Voting Rights, Electoral Systems, and Political Representation of Diaspora in Croatia

2012 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 777-791 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mirjana Kasapović
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
The Political ◽  
Moral Reasons ◽  
Unique Case ◽  
The World ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Economic

Croatia represents in many respects a unique case in the world in the way it standardized the right to vote, the electoral model, and the pattern of political representation of the diaspora in the national parliament. Besides standard theoretical arguments that explain the right of diaspora members to vote in parliamentary and presidential elections in the country, the authorities made use of a number of contextually specific political, economic, military, and moral reasons for that. It was shown that principled reasons which were used to justify legalizing diaspora voting rights and institutionalization of special electoral models as well as the patterns of political representation in the Croatian parliament were subordinated to the interests to symbolically integrate the Croats from Bosnia and Herzegovina in the political system of Croatia, who would then, as a sort of generic voters, secure safe votes and bonus seats for the Croatian Democratic Union.

scholarly journals VOTING BEHAVIOUR AMONG MALAYSIAN STUDENTS IN INDONESIA IN THE 13TH MALAYSIAN GENERAL ELECTION

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Ign. Agung Satyawan ◽  
Budiarjo Budiarjo
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Political System ◽  
Voting Rights ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
Survey Technique ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Malaysian Students ◽  
Election Commission

<p>The 13<sup>th</sup> general election in Malaysia is significant momentum in Malyasian politics. The election held in March 2013 was a testing for Barisan Nasional (BN) the biggest coalition parties led by United Malays National Organization (UMNO) to win the election.  Since 1998, the votes for BN decreased but the votes for the opposition increased. If the BN lost its power in thw 13<sup>th</sup> election, it will have an impact on domestic political change. It will also bring a change in economic policy. Malaysia's political-economic changes will also take effect on the political-economic of Indonesia given the relations of economic, trade and labor has a substantial aggregate in Indonesian macro economy. The prediction of political-economic change can be seen from the behavior of the voters in 13<sup>th</sup> election. This study will examine the voting behavior of Malaysian students who are studying in Indonesia. Survey technique is used as the method in this research. In general, students do not exercise their voting rights. There is a possibility that they are reluctant to use their right to vote because most of the respondents started to not respect the country's ruling BN and also do not trust the Election Commission in conducting free and fair elections.</p><p> </p><p>Key words: Voting Behavior, General Election, Malaysian Political System, Political Participation</p>

Making Americans Feel Great Again? Personal Significance Predicts Political Intentions of Losers and Winners of the 2016 US Election

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Jasko ◽  
Joanna Grzymala-Moszczynska ◽  
Marta Maj ◽  
Marta Szastok ◽  
Arie W. Kruglanski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Personal Significance ◽  
Before And After ◽  
The Times

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during the times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 US presidential elections we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one’s candidate is related to hostile vs. benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).

scholarly journals La correspondencia de Ricardo Palma en la Biblioteca Nacional del Perú

Aula Palma ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 211-234
Author(s):  
Carlos Alberto Pérez Garay
Keyword(s):  
Research Paper ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Library ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Economic

ResumenEl presente trabajo de investigación describe y analiza la vasta correspondencia que tuvo el escritor limeño con diversos personajes del ámbito político, económico, social y cultural del Perú y del mundo, pertenecientes a la Colección Ricardo Palma de la Biblioteca Nacional delPerú.Palabras Claves: Ricardo Palma, Correspondencia, Biblioteca Nacional AbstractThis research paper describes and analyzes the vast correspondence that the Lima writer had with various characters from the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of Peru and the world, belonging to the Ricardo Palma Collection of the National Library of Peru.Keywords: Ricardo Palma, Correspondence, National Library

The German Elections of 1928

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 698-705
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Political ◽  
City Councils ◽  
The People ◽  
The World ◽  
Modern Methods ◽  
Political Consolidation ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The Right ◽  
Intensive Work

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.

Policy Conversation on Big Tech

2020 ◽  
pp. 6-28
Author(s):  
Nicolas Petit
Keyword(s):  
Market Power ◽  
Political System ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legislative Reform ◽  
Antitrust Laws ◽  
The Right

This chapter describes the polarization observed in the contemporary policy conversation about big tech. According to one view—which can be called neo-structuralism—each big tech firm is a structural monopoly harmful to the economy and the political system. Big tech firms must be regulated, if not broken up. Legislative reform is a prerequisite. According to another view—which can be called consumer welfarism—serious factual inquiry of tech companies' market power is necessary prior to any enforcement initiative. Existing antitrust laws provide the right framework, though disagreements arise about the interpretation of applicable principles and rules. The chapter shows that both views have limitations, and concludes that additional study is needed to evaluate the economic and social issues raised by tech giants.

Variegated transitions: Emerging forms of land and resource capitalism in Laos and Myanmar

2020 ◽  
pp. 0308518X2094852
Author(s):  
Miles Kenney-Lazar ◽  
SiuSue Mark
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Political System ◽  
Global South ◽  
Resource Extraction ◽  
The Political ◽  
Private Capital ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Economic Transitions

Since the mid- to late- 1980s, Laos and Myanmar (Burma) have gradually and unevenly opened their economies to capitalist relations of accumulation. Both countries have done so by granting state land concessions to private capital for resource extraction and land commodification projects, particularly since the early 2000s. Yet, resource capitalism has manifested in distinct ways in both places due to the ways in which capital has interacted with unique pre-capitalist political-economic and social relations as well as the diverse political reactions of Lao and Myanmar people to capitalist transformations. In this paper, we analyze such differences through a conceptualization of ‘variegated transitions’, an extension of the variegated capitalism framework, which investigates the political economic transitions towards capitalism in marginalized, resource extractive countries of the Global South. In Myanmar, the transition from military to democratic rule has been marked by protests and land occupations combined with center-periphery fragmentation and ongoing civil wars, all of which have led to a heavily contested process of land concession granting. In contrast, a stable, comparatively centralized political system in Laos that restrains popular protest has enabled an expanding regime of land concessions for resource extraction projects, albeit hemmed in at the edges by sporadic, localized forms of resistance and appeals to the state.

Is Guyana a new oil El Dorado?

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 365-368
Author(s):  
Luis Fernando Panelli
Keyword(s):  
South America ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Gdp Per Capita ◽  
The Political ◽  
Oil Exploitation ◽  
The World ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Per Capita

Abstract The Co-operative Republic of Guyana has become one of the most interesting and dynamic oil producing countries in the world at the start of the 21st century. The country already holds 5 billion barrels of proved reserves, which will certainly grow with new discoveries. Exxon leads a consortium of four companies that have the concession of the Stabroek Block (Liza Field), where nine discoveries have been made so far. Five FPSOs will be operating in the future, one of which is due to arrive in Guyana before the end of 2019 and another is due for 2020. By then, the country will be producing 340,000 barrels a day. This production will double and then reach 1 million barrels a day before the end of the next decade. The challenges and opportunities regarding the Guyanese people are dire. The lack of proper infrastructure is certainly one of the biggest challenges. But it is important to stress that the oil proceeds will transform Guyana into the highest GDP per capita of South America. The political stage is also analysed, since political instability might raise concerns for long-term investors. The Venezuela–Guyana differences regarding the sovereignty of the Essequibo Region are again a cause for concern. Brazil is a key player in supporting the geopolitical stability of South America. Presidential elections will be held in 2019/2020: the dispute will probably be between the current President Granger and the Opposition candidate Irfaan Ali. Guyana has a lot to profit from the wealth brought by oil exploitation, but its people fear the risk of growing corruption.

Introduction

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bilge Yesil
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Theoretical Framework ◽  
The Political ◽  
Media Industry ◽  
Systematic Analysis ◽  
Media System ◽  
The World ◽  
Media Systems ◽  
Cultural Tensions

This introductory chapter sets out the book's purpose, namely to provide a systematic analysis of Turkey's media system, its reconfiguration under domestic and international dynamics, the political and cultural tensions it harbors, and the trajectories it shares with other media systems around the world. The book highlights the push-pull forces of a centralized state authority and its democratization demands, the interpenetration of state and capital, and the overlapping of patronage structures with market imperatives. The remainder of the chapter discusses Turkey's media industry, its political system, and its authoritarian neoliberal order. These are followed by descriptions of the scope of the present study, the theoretical framework and methods, and an overview of the subsequent chapters.

Understanding the State in South Korea

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 512-531 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES COTTON
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Political System ◽  
World System ◽  
Economic Transformation ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Character ◽  
Authoritarian State ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1960S

South Korea cannot be seen as an example of the bureaucratic-authoritarian state type. Neither its position in the world system nor its industrialization strategy can be used to give a sufficient explanation of its political and social character. Although these factors have played a part, particular historical, political, and cultural circumstances have permitted the state to enjoy a degree of autonomy during the period of rapid social and economic transformation from the 1960s to the 1980s. The determinants and character of the transition to democratization generally support this analysis, but also indicate that limits exist to the degree of liberalization to be expected in the political system.

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