Partisan Predictors for Collective Bargaining Agreement Items

2021 ◽  
pp. 089590482110068
Author(s):  
Adam Kirk Edgerton
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
The United States ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Collective Bargaining Agreement ◽  
Probit Regression ◽  
Spatial Autoregression ◽  
High Profile ◽  
District Administrators ◽  
Union Leaders

The United States is rare among nations in its highly decentralized process for negotiating collective bargaining agreements with local teachers’ unions. To determine whether partisanship can predict these highly localized decisions, I construct an original database of Pennsylvania collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) merged with publicly available voter registration records to predict the presence of high-profile contract items. Using spatial autoregression and probit regression, I reveal that the partisanship of a school district is a significant predictor for fewer seniority protections but not for lower salaries. These partisan relationships can guide both district administrators and union leaders in future negotiations.

Cut From the Same Cloth? Comparing Urban District CBAs Within States and Across the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 334-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bradley D. Marianno ◽  
Tara Kilbride ◽  
Roddy Theobald ◽  
Katharine O. Strunk ◽  
Joshua M. Cowen ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
School Districts ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
The United States ◽  
Urban School Districts ◽  
Prior Work ◽  
Urban District ◽  
Considerable Heterogeneity ◽  
High Profile ◽  
District Administrators

There is considerable speculation and some empirical evidence that teacher collective bargaining agreements (CBAs) in urban school districts are more restrictive to district administrators than CBAs in other districts. We build on prior work by comparing urban with nonurban CBAs in three states—California, Michigan, and Washington—and, for a set of high-profile provisions, with those in CBAs from 72 of the largest districts in the country outside those states. We find that urban CBAs are more restrictive than nonurban CBAs in all three states, but there is still considerable heterogeneity across districts in overall restrictiveness and in high-profile provisions.

US baseball dispute will bring risks for both sides

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
The United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining Agreement ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Minor League Baseball ◽  
Minor League ◽  
Two Sides

Significance The lockout followed failure to reach a new collective bargaining agreement (CBA) and pitches a cartel of owners against arguably the most powerful labour union in the United States. The two sides are far apart and disruption to the 2022 season cannot be ruled out. Impacts Even a contract agreement by February 1 would leave little time for free agents to find clubs and other players to secure terms. Should a players' strike happen, it will not be likely until after the season has begun, giving the players' union more leverage. Pressure to unionise minor league baseball will grow.

Beyond Soft Law? An Assessment of International Labour Organisation Freedom of Association Complaints as a Means to Protect Collective Bargaining Rights in the United States

Global Jurist ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Andrew J Ziaja
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining Agreement ◽  
District Court ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
International Labour Organisation ◽  
The Right ◽  
Labour Organisation

This article examines the effectiveness of International Labour Organisation Complaints (ILO) as a means to protect workers' ability to bargain collectively in the United States. It focuses, as a case study, on an ILO Committee on Freedom of Association (“CFA") report that was issued in 2007. Two years prior, in 2005, The United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers of America (“UE") filed an ILO complaint alleging that a North Carolina statute, NCGS § 95-98, which prohibits any public entity from entering into a collective bargaining agreement with a trade union, violated international law and the United States' treaty obligations under the ILO regime. The CFA agreed and recommended that the statute be repealed.Any attempt to enforce the CFA's report (UE Report) in a U.S. district court would be fraught with obstacles. This article addresses these obstacles in turn. Part I discusses the UE Report in relation to domestic precedent upholding NCGS § 95-98 under United States constitutional law. Part II examines the legal basis of the UE Report under international law, including whether the right to bargain collectively is a preemptory norm. Part III, finally, considers the domestic enforceability of ILO treaty law and the UE Report under the U.S. Supreme Court's recent ruling in Medellín v. Texas, an immediately important transnational law decision.

Collective Bargaining and Workforce Protections in Sports

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas M. Ohanesian
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
Professional Sports ◽  
The United States ◽  
Collective Bargaining Agreement ◽  
Employee Relationship ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter addresses collective bargaining and workforce protections available in professional sports. Broadly speaking, collective bargaining in the United States is a workplace arrangement where employees opt to negotiate as a group with their employer through a labor union. The two parties typically negotiate an agreement, commonly called a collective bargaining agreement, that codifies for the length of the contract the rights and responsibilities of each side. Conversely, the term “workforce protections” injects the government into the employer-employee relationship. Federal and state authorities pass laws that regulate the relationship between employers and employees in the workplace. As this chapter explains, these dynamics play out in both traditional and unique ways in U.S. professional sports.

Fighting for the local: Americans for Prosperity and the struggle for school boards

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eleni Schirmer ◽  
Michael W. Apple
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
School Board ◽  
State Level ◽  
The United States ◽  
Jefferson County ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
News Reports ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Documentary Analysis ◽  
School Board Elections

Corporate-backed philanthropic groups have become increasingly involved in political processes in the past ten years. The Koch Brothers’ and their political advocacy groups, have become particularly prominent players. Their influence extends beyond high-profile state-level elections and increasingly have begun investing in municipal affairs of small cities and towns, such as school board elections like Kenosha, Wisconsin and Jefferson County, Colorado in the US. This chapter asks, why do groups like Americans for Prosperity care about small-town school board elections? This chapter highlights two particularly significant local examples in the United States: school board elections in Kenosha, Wisconsin, in 2014 and Jefferson County, Colorado in 2015. Through documentary analysis of school board records, news reports, and district evaluations, in both Wisconsin and Colorado, we chronicle the political contest for control of each school board. Our findings illustrate the ideological and political project of corporate, conservative influence in public education in the United States.

Challenging Scripted Curricula With Adaptive Teaching

2021 ◽  
pp. 0013189X2110657
Author(s):  
Margaret Vaughn ◽  
Seth A. Parsons ◽  
Melissa A. Gallagher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Teacher Professionalism ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Diverse Student ◽  
Adaptive Teaching ◽  
Instructional Needs ◽  
Support Teacher ◽  
Scripted Curricula

Although adaptive teaching is considered a cornerstone of effective instruction, there remains a lack of focus on teacher adaptability in policy, professional practice, and teacher education in the United States. High-profile educational reform efforts have pressured districts and states across the nation to rely on prescriptive curricula that fail to meet the linguistic, cultural, and instructional needs of the nation’s diverse student population. In this article, we describe the development of the Adaptive Teaching Inventory and present validity evidence from our administration in the United States. These findings provide insight into the potential for widespread implementation of adaptability and its focus to support teacher professionalism and decision-making. The discussion centers on moving adaptability to the forefront of policy and practice efforts to counter the prevailing emphasis on restrictive curricula that has stymied teachers in their efforts to support students for far too long. Implications for administrators, policymakers, and researchers are discussed.

Kelsen’s Milieu

2021 ◽  
pp. 36-65
Author(s):  
Robert Schuett
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Interwar Period ◽  
Social Life ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Fin De Siecle ◽  
Philosophy And Literature ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Fin De Siècle ◽  
Foreign Intelligence

Who shaped the early Kelsen’s style of thinking under the Kaiser? What were the intellectual circles in which he moved in fin-de-siècle Vienna and the interwar period before he left Austria for Cologne, Geneva, Prague, and the United States? The chapter explores ‘the other Kelsen’ by revisiting his formative years, as well as his work in the lecture halls of university and his high-profile roles in the War Ministry, Karl Renner’s state chancellery, and American foreign intelligence after escaping the fascist Continent. A reluctant jurist, Kelsen had a passion for philosophy and literature, and from Freud and the economists he learned that individual and social life was all about drives and desires, instincts and interests. Where Kelsen was, there was no land of utopia.

scholarly journals Making the Body Electric: The Politics of Body-Worn Cameras and Facial Recognition in the United States

2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Hood
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cultural Practices ◽  
Facial Recognition ◽  
The United States ◽  
Critical Discussion ◽  
The Body ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Marginalized Groups ◽  
Technological Means ◽  
Rapid Deployment

This paper explores the rapid deployment of police body-worn cameras (BWCs) and the subsequent push for the integration of biometric technologies (i.e., facial recognition) into these devices. To understand the political dangers of these technologies, I outline the concept of “making the body electric” to provide a critical language for cultural practices of identifying, augmenting, and fixing the body through technological means. Further, I argue how these practices reinforce normative understandings of the body and its political functionality, specifically with BWCs and facial recognition. I then analyze the rise of BWCs in a cultural moment of high-profile police violence against unarmed people of color in the United States. In addition to examining the ethics of BWCs, I examine the politics of facial recognition and the dangers that this form of biometric surveillance pose for marginalized groups, arguing against the interface of these two technologies. The pairing of BWCs with facial recognition presents a number of sociopolitical dangers that reinforce the privilege of perspective granted to police in visual understandings of law enforcement activity. It is the goal of this paper to advance critical discussion of BWCs and biometric surveillance as mechanisms for leveraging political power and racial marginalization.

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