Girl Interrupted

2011 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Máiréad Enright
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Government Response ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government

This article discusses the case of Shekinah Egan, an Irish Muslim girl who asked to be allowed to wear the hijab to school. It traces the media and government response to her demand, and frames that demand as a citizenship claim. It focuses in particular on a peculiarity of the Irish response; that the government was disinclined to legislate for the headscarf in the classroom. It argues that – perhaps counter-intuitively – the refusal to make law around the hijab operated to silence the citizenship claims at the heart of the Egan case. To this extent, it was a very particular instance of a broader and ongoing pattern of exclusion of the children of migrants from the Irish public sphere.

Radiological and Nuclear Incidents

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Greaves ◽  
Paul Hunt
Keyword(s):  
Central Government ◽  
Incident Radiation ◽  
The Body ◽  
Radiation Physics ◽  
Government Response ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Effects Of Radiation

Chapter 10 covers information on definitions and types of radiological incident, radiation units, classification of radiation and nuclear incidents, basic radiation physics, stochastic and deterministic effects of radiation, types of device, acute effects of a nuclear explosion (detonation), managing an incident, radiological triage, radiation and the body, management of acute radiation syndrome, chronic effects, planning the response to a nuclear or radiation incident, planning at civilian sites, principles of radiation protection, civil nuclear constabulary, emergency exposures, the police response, RADSAFE, the site operator, fire and rescue services response, role of local authorities and Public Health England, national arrangements, radiation monitoring units, the Government Decontamination Service, central government response, dealing with the media, recovery, nuclear incidents overseas, and RIMNET.

The Contentious Public Sphere

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
The State ◽  
The Internet ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Critique ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Uncertain Future ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Legal Subjects

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.

The Digital Citizen

2008 ◽  
pp. 108-115
Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.

The Digital Citizen

2011 ◽  
pp. 315-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Z. Papacharissi
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Cultural Context ◽  
Role Model ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.

The Challenges of Hosting Televised Deliberations in Ethiopian Media

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110202
Author(s):  
Gebru K. Kiflu ◽  
Adem C. Ali ◽  
Hagos Nigussie
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Addis Ababa ◽  
Capital City ◽  
Basic Knowledge ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

This paper explores the factors constraining public service and commercial television channels in constituting the public sphere in Ethiopia. It focuses on three television stations and their respective programs, such as the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation's Ethiopian television (ETV)'s Medrek, Fana Broadcasting Corporation's Zuria Meles, and LTV's Sefiw Mehidar. The data was collected starting from 2019 to 2020 in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia, where the three TV stations are located. These programs were designed to entertain different views, including ideologies, policies, and strategies to be deliberated and critiqued. They have created opportunities for debate and discussion as the Ethiopian media did not have new program formats for public deliberation-related shows previously. However, results showed that these platforms remained ineffective to entertain a diversity of views. One of the major challenges for this is that the production process encounters multiple obstructions from the media, the guests, and the government authorities. Guests fear to deliberate their views openly and prefer to remain abstinent. Also, the hosts lacked the courage, professionalism, and basic knowledge about the topics for discussion. Government authorities do not want the programs to be critical and deliberative. Equally, failures to achieve an inclusive public sphere are the outcomes of the unstable political landscape in the country. Therefore, due to different factors, including a highly controlled media landscape in Ethiopia, creating platforms for public debate seems unattainable.

scholarly journals Tracking the Employment Relations Law Reform Bill

1970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janet Bedggood
Keyword(s):  
Media Coverage ◽  
Law Reform ◽  
Employment Relations ◽  
Select Committee ◽  
Employment Contracts ◽  
Government Response ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Site

This paper analyses the media coverage of the Employment Relations Law Reform Bill in I he New Zealand Herald and the National Business Review which followed the Bill's passage into law. It considers the media as a 'site of struggle' through their publication of the attempts to influence the Government to change or retain measures, from contending perspectives of both businesses and trade union leaders. Their different views were strongly expressed in the initial reporting in the 'Working to Rules' series in the Business Herald which examined the new provisions for bargaining in the bill. The reports of the submissions to the Select Committee also covered diverse views from the community.The paper assesses the Government response to these viewpoints in terms of the modifications to the original Bill and compares the requirements for bargaining in the new law to those in the Employment Contracts Act 1991 (see Harbridge, 1993) with those in the Employment Relations Act (see Boxall 2001, Wilson 2001).

Mass Media, Elections, and Good Governance

2017 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Godwin Ehiarekhian Oboh
Keyword(s):  
New Media ◽  
Public Sphere ◽  
Good Governance ◽  
The Public ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Mass Participation ◽  
Tripartite Relationship

This paper explores the tripartite relationship between the media, elections and good governance in the contemporary Nigerian politics. It examines the growing impact of the media (especially with the emergence of the new media) on the various ways in which Nigerian political parties, politicians as well as governments present themselves to the electorate both for the purposes of electioneering campaigns and promotion of government policies as agenda for development. The paper foregrounds the critical roles that the media have to play in order to open up the public sphere and facilitate mass participation in governance with the implication of enhancing democratic values and cultures in Nigerian democracy. In this regard, particular focus is paid to reporting the 2007 general elections and the influence of the Nigerian newspaper proprietors and the government on the editorial stance of the media on the elections. It was noted that the government owned newspapers tended to reflect the position of the authoritarian model, while their private owned counterparts operated along the lines of the libertarian perspective while reporting on the elections.

The Constitutional Consequences of the Failure of Intra-religious Accommodation in Pakistan: Implications for Religious Liberty in a Religious Nationalist State

2013 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-40
Author(s):  
Micha’el M. Tanchum
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Religious Liberty ◽  
Religious Expression ◽  
Constitutional Development ◽  
The Public ◽  
Government Response ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Religious Accommodation ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere

This article examines how the failure to defend intra-religious accommodation from sectarian challenges in the public sphere creates structures of political opportunity for religious extremist organizations to exert a constraining influence on positive law-making and individual rights. Through a comparison of the government response to Sunni sectarian agitation during the 1950s and the early 1970s in Pakistan, each time conducted by organizations affiliated with the Deobandi movement (the movement that later created the Taliban in 1994), it will be shown how the failure to uphold intra-religious accommodation impacted the Pakistan’s constitutional development and furthered Pakistan’s shift from liberal democracy to Islamism. The article suggests that a religious discourse of intra-religious accommodation, not a prohibition of religious expression in the public sphere (laïcité), can serve as an important foundation for the development of religious liberty and civil society in newly democratizing Muslim societies.

How to Tell the Truth without Outraging the Press?

MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang
Keyword(s):  
News Media ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Public ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Government ◽  
Chinese News Media

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 

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