Demetrius Zambaco Pasha (1832–1913): The first leprologist of the Orient

2020 ◽  
pp. 096777202093695
Author(s):  
Halil Tekiner ◽  
Marianna Karamanou

Démétrius Zambaco Pasha (1832–1913) was an internationally renowned Ottoman-born French dermatologist of Greek origin who is considered the first leprologist of the Orient. A graduate from the Faculty of Medicine in Paris, he practised there until he returned to Istanbul in 1872 and later served as a private physician to the Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II (1842–1918), then Abbas Hilmi Pasha (1874–1944), the last Khedive of Egypt. Dr Zambaco produced numerous publications in a variety of medical subjects including leprosy, syphilis, morphinomania, eunuchs, and medical history. Leprosy, however, was his main field of scientific interest, with nearly 40 studies published and many other communications presented at international medical congresses. Due to his outstanding scientific contributions, Dr Zambaco garnered many accolades including the Cholera Medal of Honour, the Montyon Prize, and Légion d’Honneur from France as well as the honorary title of Pasha, a higher rank in the political and military system, from the Ottoman Empire.

2020 ◽  
pp. 46-66
Author(s):  
Bоris N. Florya ◽  

Based on an analysis of sources, the author tries to reconstruct the course of events during the political crisis on the Right Bank, at the center of which was the confrontation between the right-bank hetman P. Doroshenko and his opponent, P. Sukhovey, an elected hetman of the Zaporozhian Sich with the support of the Crimean Khanate. The author shows that the opposition to Doroshenko was significant and was formed as well under the influence of the news about his Turkish citizenship. It was approved by the Korsun Rada, to participate in which the Right-Bank hetman was able to mobilize a significant number of supporters from the Right-Bank foreman. This caused discontent not only among the Cossacks, but also among the Cossack mob in a part of the Right-Bank regiments. Doroshenko’s attempts to get help from the Ottoman Empire were unsuccessful and in the summer his position became threatening: only two Cossack regiments stood on the side of the hetman. Only the arrival of the ambassadors of the Sultan in August 1669, who demanded that the Crimean Khanate stop supporting the opposition to Doroshenko, and the subsequent departure of the Tatars defused the situation and saved the Right-Bank hetman from losing the power. These events, as well as the ensuing similar domestic political crisis in the Right-Bank Ukraine in 1672, demonstrate how shaky the Doroshenko’s position was and how difficult it was for him to maintain the power.


Author(s):  
A.M. Abidulin ◽  
I.A. Shirkina

Аннотация Статья посвящена анализу идеологических концепций в Османской империи во второй половине XIX - начале XX века. Изучение генезиса терминов османизм и панисламизм позволяет нам отметить их западное происхождение и трактовать их в качестве идеологии сохранения империи и исламского единства, а также как стремление к культурному объединению всех мусульман, признающих духовную власть османского султана. В рамках изучаемого периода панисламизм рассматривается в тесной связи с предшествующей ему идеологической концепцией османизма. Показаны векторы, в которых панисламизм использовался как инструмент государственной политики в период правления султанаАбдул-Хамида II.Нами также исследуется процесс трансформации идеологических концепций позднего периода Османской империи. Показано, что концепции османизма и панисламизма соответствовали требованиям своего времени, учитывая политические и демографические обстоятельства, при этом не взаимозаменяя, а сосуществуя в тесной связи друг с другом.Abstract The article is devoted to the analysis of ideological concepts in the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the XIX early XX centuries. Studying the genesis of the terms Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism allows us to note their Western origin and treat them as an ideology of preserving the empire and Islamic unity, as well as a desire for the cultural unification of all Muslims who recognize the spiritual power of the Ottoman Sultan. Within the framework of the period under study, pan-Islamism is considered in close connection with the ideological concept of Ottomanism preceding it. The vectors in which pan-Islamism was used as an instrument of state policy during the reign of Sultan Abdul-Hamid II are shown. We also study the process of transformation of ideological concepts of the late period of the Ottoman Empire. It is shown that the concepts of Ottomanism and Pan-Islamism met the requirements of their time, given the political and demographic circumstances, while not interchangeably, but coexisting in close connection with each other.


Urban History ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark McCarthy

This article investigates the socio-economic and morphological aspects of how the city of Cork, having lost the salient elements of its medieval character in the early 1600s, transformed into a prosperous Atlantic port city during the period of renaissance it experienced between 1660–1700. Despite the political upheavals caused by the expulsions of the Catholics in the 1640s and 1650s, the city increased in size and population from the early 1660s onwards as it began to thrive on the provisions trade to the colonial plantations of British America. In the process, Cork assumed a higher rank in the general European urban hierarchy.


Author(s):  
I. A. Averianov ◽  

Сoming to power of the Safavids Sufi dynasty in Iran (in the person of Shah Ismail I) in 1501 caused noticeable transformations in the political, social, cultural and religious life of the Near and Middle East. This dynasty used the semi-nomadic tribes of the Oguz Turks (‘Kyzylbash’) as its main support, which it managed to unite under the auspices of military Sufi order of Safaviyya. However, the culture of the Safavid state was dominated by a high style associated with the classical era of the Persian cultural area (‘Greater Iran’) of the 10th–15th centuries. The Iranian-Turkic synthesis that emerged in previous centuries received a new form with the adoption by the Safavids of Twelver Shiism as an official religious worldview. This put the neighboring Ottoman state in a difficult position, as it had to borrow cultural codes from ‘heretics’. Nevertheless, the Ottomans could not refuse cultural interaction with the Safavids, since they did not have any other cultural landmark in that era. This phenomenon led to a number of collisions in the biographies of certain cultural figures who had to choose between commonwealth with an ‘ideological enemy’ or rivalry, for the sake of which they often had to hide their personal convictions and lead a ‘double life’. The fates of many people, from the crown princes to ordinary nomads, were broken or acquired a tragic turn during the Ottoman-Safavid conflict of ‘spiritual paths’. However, many other poets, painters, Sufis sometimes managed to transform this external opposition into the symbolism of religious and cultural synthesis. In scholarly literature, many works explore certain aspects of the culture of the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state separately, but there are almost no works considering the synthesis of cultures of these two largest Muslim states. Meanwhile, the author argues, that understanding the interaction and synthesis of the Ottoman and Safavid cultures in the 16th century is a key moment for the cultural history of the Islamic world. The article aims to outline the main points of this cultural synthesis, to trace their dependence on the ideology of the two states and to identify the personality traits of a ‘cultured person’ that contributed to the harmonization of the culture of two ideologically irreconcilable, but culturally complementary empires. A comparative study of this kind is supported by Ottoman sources. In the future, the author will continue this research, including the sources reflecting the perception of the Ottoman cultural heritage by the Safavids.


2021 ◽  
pp. 441-450
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Kochegarov ◽  

This is a publication of the letter of the Suceava Metropolitan Dositheus, apparently written in November, 1683. It was adressed to the leader of the Right-Bank Cossacks, Stefan Kunitsky. After being appointed hetman of the Cossacks by the Polish king Jan III Sobieski, he organized an invasion of Moldavia and a raid on the territory of the Budzhak horde in the autumn or winter of 1683. In the letter, Dositheus gave his permission to Kunitsky to divorce his wife, Elena, who was much older than him, and, accordingly, allowed a second marriage. Elena was the widow of G. Lesnitsky, an influential Cossack foreman of the 1650–1660s, and the marriage with her undoubtedly helped Kunitsky in raising his social status: he was part of the entourage of the Right-Bank hetman P. D. Doroshenko, later became a Cossack colonel under the rule of the Ottoman Empire, and finally managed to get the hetman title from the Polish king. The published document is a unique source that characterizes not only the political aspect of the Cossack-Moldovan relations in 1683, but also sheds light on the little-studied problem of career strategies and personal interests of individual representatives of the Ukrainian Cossacks in the era of Ruina (1660–1680s), for the implementation of which they used their military and political successes.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Murk Lakhair ◽  
Ishrat Afshan Abbasi

The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Faisal H. Husain

Abstract Following the conquest of Baghdad in 1534, the Ottoman Empire pursued a wide range of policies to maintain the shrines of Muslim saints buried in the province, many of whom were revered by both the Sunni Ottomans and the Shiʿi Safavids. Ottoman endeavors entailed active management of the Tigris and Euphrates waters to provision inland shrines with water and guard those on the riverbanks from damaging floods. With a hydraulic infrastructure, the Ottomans appropriated the memories of the saints of Baghdad and reinforced their territorial claims to the province in the face of a rising Shiʿi power in Persia. The story highlights the political and religious dimensions of water control in a sacred geography as imperial conflicts within Islamdom and Christendom redrew the map of Eurasia.


Belleten ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 66 (247) ◽  
pp. 931-942
Author(s):  
Yücel Güçlü

At 6 a.m. on 1 October 1918, Feisal's forces entered Damascus. All day and night they flowed into the Omayade capital and started looting and killing, particularly Turkish soldiers who were wounded and sick. British units remained outside the city. The new Arab administration proved unable to keep order. One particularly gruesome incident was the looting of the main Turkish hospital. It contained between 600 to 800 wounded. Many of them died. The Turks had no cover for the sick. Few of the men had blankets; they had no medical organisation. There were no drugs, bandages, or food fit for sick men; no sanitation. Very little assistance could be obtained from the local Arab authorities in Damascus. They were indifferent to human suffering. However, the wounded Turks left in Damascus suffered not just because of Arab logistical problems, but also because the political need to exclude the British units from Damascus left the sick and wounded Turks bereft of care. The British re-occupied the Turkish military hospitals after four days' Arab control as the Turkish wounded were receiving no care. They then set about cutting the death rate from 70 to 15 a day. The patterns of military administration in Damascus were supposed to follow international practice as prescribed in the Fourth Convention Concerning the Laws and Customs of War on Land signed at the Hague in the Netherlands on 18 October 1907 and entered into force on 26 January 1910, to which both Britain and the Ottoman Empire were parties. The British clearly disregarded the general rules on the occupied enemy territories as defined by this convention. It was essential to obey the main rules of military occupation. Therefore the neglect of the Turkish hospitals in Damascus by British forces, was, to say the least, unlawful. The poor conditions for the wounded Turks were a direct result of the British army being instructed to promote an Arab administration in Damascus. The French looked upon this British connivance with indignation. Paris accused London of hiding behind the façade of Arab nationalism to undermine French influence in Syria. During the war Britain had already in the Sykes-Picot Agreement recognised French interest in Syria. In terms of international politics it must have been that the Turkish sick and wounded were marginal to the central objective of giving the impression that Feisal's Arabs were in charge. Turks suffered as a result of British realpolitik.


Author(s):  
Katrin Röder

This chapter investigates Greville’s use and adaptation of historical source material for his tragedy Mustapha, especially of Nicholas de Moffan’s Soltani Solymanni, Turcarum Imperatoris, horrendum facinus […] or its many translations and adaptations as well as of Johannes Leunclavius’s Annales Sultanorum Othmanidarum […]. It demonstrates that this choice of historical material and its creative appropriation enabled a representation of the political structure of the Ottoman Empire which contradicts pervasive contemporary portrayals of the sovereign, virtually unlimited power of Ottoman sultans and of their subjects’ unconditional obedience. Greville’s tragedy does not provide an unbiased picture of the Ottoman Empire, but it avoids easy strategies of Othering by emphasizing similarities between Christian (especially English) and Ottoman forms of kingship, power abuse, and resistance to tyranny.


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