African Peer Review Mechanism: An Assessment

2005 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-168
Author(s):  
Zein Kebonang

In 2002 at the inaugural Summit of the African Union (AU) held in Durban, South Africa, the African Heads of State and Government committed themselves to adhere to international standards on democracy, good governance (political, economic and corporate), peace, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. They also agreed to hold each other accountable through African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The present paper examines whether the APRM constitutes a viable peer review mechanism; and, if not, how it can be strengthened?

Author(s):  
Henk Addink

The pivotal aim of this book is to explain the creation, development, and impact of good governance from a conceptual, principal perspective and in the context of national administrative law. Three lines of reasoning have been worked out: developing the concept of good governance; specification of this concept by developing principles of good governance; and implementation of these principles of good governance on the national level. In this phase of further development of good governance, it is important to have a clear concept of good governance, presented in this book as the third cornerstone of a modern state, alongside the concepts of the rule of law and democracy. That is a rather new national administrative law perspective which is influenced by regional and international legal developments; thus, we can speak about good governance as a multilevel concept. But the question is: how is this concept of good governance further developed? Six principles of good governance (which in a narrower sense also qualify as principles of good administration) have been further specified in a systematic way, from a legal perspective. These are the principles of properness, transparency, participation, effectiveness, accountability, and human rights. Furthermore, the link has been made with integrity standards. The important developments of each of these principles are described on the national level in Europe, but also in countries outside Europe (such as Australia, Canada, and South Africa). This book gives a systematic comparison of the implementation of the principles of good governance between countries.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
O’Brien Kaaba ◽  
Babatunde Fagbayibo

The relationship between African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (recs) frameworks, especially as it relates to the application of the principle of subsidiarity to intervention that aims to ensure strict adherence to democratic standards, is at the heart of this article. Although there exists a 2007 ‘Draft Protocol on the Relations Between the African Union and the Regional Economic Communities’, it is yet to be adopted, and more importantly, its provisions are ambiguous. The same problem of ambiguity applies to the 2008 ‘Memorandum of Understanding (mou) on Cooperation in the Area of Peace and Security Between the African Union, The Regional Economic Communities and the Coordinating Mechanism of The Regional Standby Brigades of Eastern Africa and Northern Africa’. The lack of a consistent approach to situations in Burundi, The Gambia and Zambia, has since raised the question of subsidiarity, or to put it more specifically, the vague articulation of the concept in the AU. In redressing this problem, the article provides some normative suggestions on how to ensure the effective application of the principle of subsidiarity in advancing democracy and good governance in Africa.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sevidzem Stephen Kingah

AbstractIn the spirit of the Constitutive Act of the African Union we must work for a continent characterized by democratic principles and institutions which guarantee popular participation and provide for good governance. Through our actions, let us proclaim to the world that this is a continent of democracy, a continent of democratic institutions and culture. Indeed, a continent of good governance, where the people participate and the rule of law is upheld.


2004 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-17

Considering that the Constitutive Act of the African Union recognizes that freedom, equality, justice, peace and dignity are essential objectives for the achievement of the legitimate aspiration of the African peoples; Further Considering that Article 3 of the said Constitutive Act enjoins Member States to coordinate and intensify their cooperation, unity, cohesion and efforts to achieve a better life for the peoples of Africa; Cognizant of the fact that the Constitutive Act of the African Union, inter alia, calls for the need to promote and protect human and peoples' rights, consolidate democratic institutions and foster a culture of democracy and ensure good governance and the rule of law; Aware of the need to respect human dignity and to foster the promotion of economic, social, and political rights in conformity with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; Bearing in mind the 1990 Declaration on the Fundamental Changes Taking Place in the World and their Implications for Africa; the 1994 Cairo Agenda for Action Relaunching Africa's Socio-economic Transformation; and the Plan of Action Against Impunity adopted by the Nineteenth Ordinary Session of the African Commission on Human and Peoples Rights in 1996 as subsequently endorsed by the Sixty fourth Ordinary Session of the Council of Ministers held in Yaounde, Cameroon in 1996 which, among others, underlined the need to observe principles of good governance, the primacy of law, human rights, democratization and popular participation by the African peoples in the processes of governance.


SASI ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Jemmy Jefry Pietersz

governance is a way implemented by the government using political, economic and administrative authority in managing economic and social resources for community development. The term governance is more directed to technical matters of governance in a country. By that, the term governance in relation to good governance is directed more towards legal aspects, especially administrative law which in essence more emphasized public service aspect which is addressed to society. Good governance characteristics include Participation, Rule of law, Transparency, Responsiveness, Consensus orientation, Equity, Effectiveness and efficiency, Accountability, and Strategic vision. These characteristics are legally sourced on two main grounds, namely the principle of the rule of law and the principle of democracy. The principle of the rule of law becomes the foundation of good governance where every act of government should have a legal basis, in the form of authority, procedure and substance and protection of human rights. The principle of a legal state provides the basis of legality in the administration of government, while the principle of democracy as the basis of government openness and community participation. Power or power essentially contains the rights and obligations of the apparatus of government to take certain legal actions, derived from attribution, delegation and mandate. Abuse of power is an act of government that is inconsistent with the purpose of authorization. the form of abuse of power consists of illegal state administration (onrechtmatige overheidsdaad), the misuse of the state administration (detournement de pouvoir or ultra vires) and the arbitrary acts of state administration (abus de droit). Abuse of power may occur against bound and free power. Parameters testing abuse of power from power are tied to the legality of government action, while the abuse of power from free power using the Good Governance Principles (GGP). GGP is the principle of proper administration


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-104
Author(s):  
Rustam Magun Pikahulan

Abstract: The Plato's conception of the rule of law states that good governance is based on good law. The organization also spreads to the world of Supreme Court justices, the election caused a decadence to the institutional status of the House of Representatives as a people's representative in the government whose implementation was not in line with the decision of the Constitutional Court. Based on the decision of the Constitutional Court No.27/PUU-XI/2013 explains that the House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only approve or disapprove candidates for Supreme Court Justices that have been submitted by the Judicial Commission. In addition, the proportion of proposed Supreme Court Justices from the judicial commission to the House of Representatives (DPR) has changed, whereas previously the Judicial Commission had to propose 3 (three) of each vacancy for the Justices, now it is only one of each vacant for Supreme Court Judges. by the Supreme Court. The House of Representatives no longer has the authority to conduct due diligence and suitability (elect) to prospective Supreme Judges proposed by the Judicial Commission. The House of Representatives can only "approve" or "disagree" the Supreme Judge candidates nominated by the Judicial Commission.


Politeia ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mbekezeli Comfort Mkhize ◽  
Kongko Louis Makau

This article argues that the 2015 xenophobic violence was allowed to spread due to persistent inaction by state officials. While the utterances of King Goodwill Zwelithini have in part fuelled the attacks, officials tend to perceive acts of xenophobia as ordinary crimes. This perception has resulted in ill-advised responses from the authorities, allowing this kind of hate crime against foreign nationals to engulf the whole country. In comparison with similar attacks in 2008, the violent spree in 2015 is characterised by a stronger surge in criminal activities. The militancy showcased fed a sense of insecurity amongst foreigners, creating a situation inconsistent with the country’s vaunted respect for human rights and the rule of law. Investors lost confidence in the country’s outlook, owing in part to determined denialism in government circles regarding the targeting of foreigners. While drawing from existing debates, the article’s principal objective is to critically examine the structural problems that enable xenophobia to proliferate and the (in)effectiveness of responses to the militancy involved in the 2015 attacks. Of particular interest are the suggested responses that could be effective in curbing future violence. The article concludes that xenophobia is systemic in post-apartheid South Africa. Strong cooperation between the government, national and international organisations could provide the basis for successful anti-xenophobia measures. The article further argues that the country is obliged to find a sustainable solution to the predicament for humanitarian reasons firstly, and in recognition of the support South Africans received from its African counterparts during the liberation struggle.


1998 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-74
Author(s):  
Korwa G. Adar

There is nothing more fundamental to Africans who are concerned with the future of the African continent than the issues of democracy, human rights, good governance, and the rule of law. These basic human liberties, among other concerns, constitute the central driving force behind what is often referred to as Africa’s “second liberation.” The primary purpose of this article is to assess the Clinton administration’s role in this second liberation, particularly in terms of its involvement in issues of democracy and human rights. This assessment is offered from the perspective of an individual who has been directly involved in the prodemocracy and human rights movement in Kenya. This article focuses on whether the Clinton administration’s policies are still heavily influenced by classic U.S. conceptions of realpolitik, or if enlightened leadership more in line with a neo-Wilsonian idealpolitik—as official rhetoric suggests—has permitted a fundamental departure in favor of a more coherent and tangible democracy and human rights foreign policy stance in the post-Cold War era.


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