Look East Policy:  The Case of Zimbabwe–China Political and Economic Relations Since 2000

2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-41 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor Ojakorotu ◽  
Rumbidzai Kamidza

This article maps the evolution of Zimbabwe’s Look East Policy (LEP) and specifically the bilateral relationship with China through the lens of Zimbabwe’s domestic politics. It argues that political elite in Zimbabwe has a vested interest in a close economic and political relationship with China at the cost of the interests of the people of Zimbabwe. The author establishes that Zimbabwe’s LEP was intended to respond to the economic sanctions imposed on it by Western nations. From the descriptive account of the LEP provided in the article, it appears that the LEP has been successful in doing that by having a broad-based economic and political relationship with China. The author further critiques the impact of Chinese investment in Zimbabwe as detrimental to the interests of the people. Foreign policy is an instrument that governs and protects the interests of governments, nationals, institutions, organisations and entities within the lenses of bilateral relations between the countries concerned. The Zimbabwe–China relations point to the fact that the latter China is politically and economically committed to engage and develop the former. However, at the heart of commitment and development in Zimbabwe lies questions of interests and the nature of the relationship which is affecting development and commitment to take place. Hence, this article argues that the failure of Zimbabwe to yield satisfying results from the bilateral relations lies mostly on the political and economic weaknesses of the Zimbabwean government and leadership. The fact that the LEP is not formally and publicly developed and disseminated to key stakeholders and the general public and that it remains largely an oral secret public policy statement affects the interests of Zimbabwean economy and interested stakeholders. This also reflects a weak foreign policy directive. As long as Zimbabwe continues to deny to engage with other superpowers and global institutions, the LEP will remain doomed as China will continue to manipulate and exploit the relationship knowingly that Zimbabwe has no other friends and partners for development and cooperation.

2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Kelly

AbstractThis article examines the impact on Japan's political economy and foreign policy of its lack of natural resources. Applying the concept of Japan as a ‘reactive’ state to linked case studies of rice, oil and atomic power it explores aspects of the relationship between culture, institutions and political processes in domestic politics and foreign policy. In so doing it argues that Japan's poor resource endowments have driven it to engage (re)actively – and often unwisely – in international affairs, an engagement both facilitated and constrained by its close alliance with the United States. This mediated engagement will continue into the foreseeable future.


2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergio Fabbrini ◽  
Amr Yossef

The existing literature explains the wavering course of President Barack Obama's policy on the 2001–03 Egyptian crisis as attributed to either his personal characteristics (lack of an international experience, predisposition to sermonize rather than to strategize) or to the impact of the decline of the United States as a global superpower (inability to influence foreign actors and contexts). Although both explanations are worthy of consideration, this article seeks to demonstrate that they are insufficient when accounting for the uncertainties shown by the United States during the Egyptian crisis. Domestic factors, particularly the internally divided US political elite and a foreign policy team with different views, played a crucial intervening role in defining the features of US foreign policy. It was domestic politics that made the Obama administration ineffective in dealing with the new scenario that emerged in the Middle East and in Egypt in particular.


Author(s):  
John M. Thompson

This book examines the relationship between domestic politics and Theodore Roosevelt’s foreign policy. It argues that, in spite of the complicated nature of the US system, with its overlapping powers, intense partisanship, and continuous scrutiny from the media and public, Roosevelt mostly succeeded in implementing his agenda. In the process, it contends, he played a crucial role in the nation’s rise to world power. The book places particular emphasis on four factors: Roosevelt’s compelling vision for national greatness, political skill, faith in the people and the US system, and emphasis on presidential leadership. It finds that public sentiment was not isolationist, as some historians have argued, but was willing to support all of TR’s major objectives. Roosevelt’s feel for the national mood was also crucial, as was his willingness to compromise or change his views when necessary. Topics covered by the book include Roosevelt’s early career in politics; relations with great powers such as Britain, Germany, and Japan; the Monroe Doctrine, the Roosevelt Corollary, and Latin America; the impact of immigration from China and Japan; and World War I.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Tito Handoko ◽  
Mega Hidayati ◽  
Muhammad Azhar ◽  
Abdul Munir Mulkan ◽  
M . Rafi ◽  
...  

This article aims to analyze the relationship between the teacher and the congregation of the Naqsabandiyah in local political action and their relationship with local political elites. This study uses a qualitative approach that aims to interpret a case that will be carefully examined and analyzed using periodic descriptive analysis methods. The results of this study indicate that the pattern of relations between teachers and congregation of the Naqsabandiyah groups in local political action in Rokan Hulu Regency tends to be more accommodating to the authorities, where the political orientation of this group has undergone a transition from traditional to rational action with its own political choices. Then, the relationship between the group and local political elites in socio-religious practices has confirmed the existence of a very strong religious and political relationship, where the Naqsabandiyah sees Achmad (local political elite) as a group representation traced from the existence of kinship ties.


Author(s):  
Markus Ketola ◽  
Johan Nordensvard

This chapter investigates the relationship between far-right populism and social policy. The chapter argues that an approach anchored in framing and policy narratives will yield new understandings of how far-right populist discourses have come to challenge social democratic and neoliberal welfare narratives. The new narrative challenges and denigrates the economic and political elite as self-serving and corrupt, claiming to represent the interest of the ‘people’ instead. In defining ‘people’, the interests of certain societal groups are prioritised on the bases of culture or ethnicity. Importantly for social policy, this chapter argues, in this universal social rights and social citizenship are reframed in ethno-nationalist and welfare chauvinist terms. The chapter draws upon the case of Sweden in order to briefly exemplify the discursive strategies at play.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 525-546 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertjan Verbeek ◽  
Andrej Zaslove

Despite the populist radical right’s (PRR) popularity among political scientists, little scholarship has focused on its influence on foreign policy. This lack of study is due, in part, to a general lack of attention to the role of political parties in foreign policy, both in comparative politics and international relations (IR). This is unfortunate because, due to Europeanization and globalization, the domain of foreign policy has expanded, making foreign policy increasingly a domestic concern and, most importantly, touching on major themes of PRR parties. Combining insights from comparative politics and IR, we theorize the mechanisms, which may facilitate the impact of such parties on foreign policy. Subsequently, we examine whether the Italian Northern League (LN), as a prime example of a PRR party participating in a coalition government, has had an impact on Italy’s foreign policy and, if so, what accounts for this (lack of) influence. This paper concludes that, unlike common understanding, the PRR is not persistently anti-internationalist/anti-EU; rather, its position depends on the extent to which international politics helps or hinders the promotion of ‘the people’. Second, despite the LN’s strong coalition position, it pursued an effective foreign policy mainly regarding immigration policy. Third, IR theories of junior coalition partners and foreign policy should address the nature of the party system and how inter-party electoral competition affects the strength of a junior coalition partner. Fourth, these theories need to acknowledge that party preferences are sometimes trumped by national concerns, as suggested by more systemic IR theories.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Gracellia

<p>The issue of comfort women that has occured since 1932 continues to impact bilateral relations between Japan dan South Korea. Various efforts have been made by two countries to deal with this issue, one of which is the agreement in 2015 that stating the comfort women issue has been completed and this agreement cannot be canceled. Instead of solving the problem, this agreement marked as the beginning of a worsening relation between the two countries. Poor relations led to several implications which then became a new problem to Japan and South Korea relations. This research finds that the comfort women issue has given three implications for the relations between Japan and South Korea. First is the Japan-South Korea Trade War in 2019, second is the withdrawal of South Korea from General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) and the last is the boycott of Japanese products conducted by South Korean society. The unresolved issue has affected the economy, national security and the social life of the people of both countries.</p><p><strong>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK:</strong> Permasalahan <em>comfort women</em> yang terjadi sejak tahun 1932 terus memberikan implikasi yang kuat kepada hubungan bilateral antara Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Berbagai usaha telah dilakukan oleh kedua negara untuk menangani permasalahan ini, dimana salah satunya adalah perjanjian pada tahun 2015 yang menyatakan permasalahan comfort women telah selesai dan perjanjian ini tidak dapat dibatalkan. Bukannya menyelesaikan masalah, perjanjian ini menjadi awal dari hubungan kedua negara yang semakin memburuk. Hubungan yang buruk kemudian menimbulkan beberapa implikasi yang menjadi masalah baru di dalam hubungan Jepang dengan Korea Selatan. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, ditemukan bahwa permasalahan comfort women memberikan tiga implikasi kepada hubungan Jepang dan Korea Selatan yaitu Perang Dagang Jepang-Korea Selatan 2019, penarikan Korea Selatan dari General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) dan pemboikotan produk Jepang yang dilakukan oleh masyarakat Korea Selatan. Permasalahan comfort women yang tidak kunjung terselesaikan telah mempengaruhi perekonomian, keamanan nasional, hingga kehidupan sosial masyarakat kedua negara.</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 225-238
Author(s):  
Roohi Mumtaz ◽  
Syed Shabib ul Hasan ◽  
Afsheen Nizam ◽  
Saima Akhter

As the globalization is bringing change in the business scenarios, there is a need to bring change in the mindset, beliefs, attitude and performance to bring change in the lives of the people. By definition globalization is the multifaceted financial, supporting, civilizing and the geographical development through which the flow of money, companies, innovative approach, talks and the employees have taken a transitional change. Women in third world economies are generally confined under social, cultural, religious and economic boundaries where they are not be allowed to utilize their true potentials and prosper. Under such suppression, businesses mostly prefer female labour, as they remain cheaper and obedient. The paper focuses on the relationship between globalization and the women work force issues in Pakistan. The study also highlights the impact of discriminatory acts like gender discrimination, gender employment segregation and financial biasness in Pakistani society. The findings reveal that discrimination and double standards in the society for women is very common and prevail, more obviously in Pakistan. There is a need to eliminate all the discriminatory elements from the mindset by taking visionary steps in the right direction.


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