EMU and public service trade unionism: between states and markets

2003 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 702-721 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deborah Foster ◽  
Peter Scott

This article considers the attitudes to the single currency of public service trade unions, illustrating this through a number of nationally based case studies. We examine claims about the impact of EMU on welfare states and public expenditure, and particularly the extent to which the governance of EMU attests a ‘neoliberal', marketising approach towards the public sphere. We find that any such tendency has been offset by the recent resurgence of forms of national-level bipartite or tripartite economic and social coordination, managing the effects of EMU through social dialogue. The subsequent section of the paper develops a categorisation of four main trends evident in European public service trade unions'response to the single currency: enthusiasm, altruism, scepticism and resistance. The dominant attitude to date has been acceptance. We highlight dangers for democratic legitimacy within public sector unions in cases where leadership support for EMU has exceeded that of the membership, and indicate some potential areas for future public service union influence in the EMU.

Significance It also raises questions about President Cyril Ramaphosa’s reform plan for state-owned enterprises (SOEs), crucial to growth prospects and the restoration of public finances, as well as market confidence. Impacts More state expenditure on SAA could harden the resolve of public-service trade unions in challenging Pretoria over a wage agreement dispute. Mboweni's credibility will take a hit if the restructuring plan is carried through with more state aid. A newly announced government council on reforming SOEs will paradoxically raise fears of further delays to overhauling them.


1992 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 60-73 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leong Yee Fong

In the aftermath of World War Two, Malaya saw the emergence of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and its attempt to mobilize labour support against the returning British colonial government. The Pan Malayan General Labour Union (PMGLU), later renamed the Pan Malayan Federation of Trade Union (PMFTU), was established as a front organization to harness multiracial labour support and to work in close liaison with other left-wing political groups. Trade unions that mushroomed after the War were invariably dominated by the PMGLU and used as tools for the realization of communist political objectives in Malaya.


1970 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rick Snell

I have used a proposition developed in Kerry Howe's seminal work Where the Waves Fall (1984) to offer an explanatory framework for understanding industrial relations in the South Pacific. The paper concentrates on applying this analysis to a key moment in Western Samoan industrial relations, the 1981 public service strike. The key concept used in this analysis is mutual adjustment. The concept refers to an interactive process between foreign institutions, such as trade unions, and pre-existing institutions and values like fa' a Samoa (the cultural and political value system of Western Samoa). While the 1981 strike, and South Pacific industrial relations in general, can be interpreted from a nwnber of pespectives rhe approach used in this paper may offer a method that does not obscure the full interplay between Western values and institutions and local forces.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcial Sánchez Mosquera

In this article, I contribute to the comparative literature on trade unions and social pacts, through an analysis of Spanish experience between 1996 and 2016. First, I specify the phases of agreement (‘competitive corporatism’) and confrontation. Second, I examine the impact of the agreements and the subsequent breakdown of tripartite social dialogue on the two most representative trade unions. This makes it possible to explain why these unions accumulated so little strength during the period of consensus, and their evident weakness and the risks they have faced since the start of the crisis and the turn to confrontation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 431-445
Author(s):  
Pedro Mendonça

Drawing on a case study on the civil airline industry in Portugal, this article addresses the impact of precarious employment on trade union action and examines the conditions under which trade unions defend precarious workers’ interests. Using a power-resource theoretical framework, findings in this article highlight that cost-cutting employment practices are used strategically by employers to curb collectivisation and trade unionism. In addition, this article shows that when trade unions engage in an inclusive strategy to defend precarious workers’ interests, the compounded and inter-linked effect of trade union power resources, network embeddedness and international solidarity may be key to achieving success. S’appuyant sur une étude de cas portant sur l’industrie du transport aérien civil au Portugal, cet article traite de l’impact de l’emploi précaire sur l’action syndicale et examine les conditions dans lesquelles les syndicats défendent les intérêts des travailleurs précaires. À partir d’un cadre théorique fondé sur les ressources du pouvoir, les conclusions de cet article soulignent que les pratiques de réduction des coûts de l’emploi sont utilisées de manière stratégique par les employeurs pour freiner la collectivisation et le syndicalisme. En outre, cet article montre que lorsque les syndicats s’engagent dans une stratégie inclusive pour défendre les intérêts des travailleurs précaires, les effets combinés et interdépendants des ressources de pouvoir des syndicats, de leur ancrage dans les réseaux et de la solidarité internationale peuvent être la clé du succès. Der vorliegende Artikel beruht auf einer Fallstudie über die zivile Luftfahrt in Portugal und befasst sich mit den Auswirkungen prekärer Beschäftigung auf gewerkschaftliches Handeln sowie mit den Bedingungen, unter denen die Gewerkschaften die Interessen prekär beschäftigter Arbeitnehmer wahrnehmen. Die Autoren nutzen den Rahmen der Machtressourcentheorie für ihre Untersuchung und kommen zu dem Schluss, dass kostensenkende Beschäftigungspraktiken von Arbeitgebern strategisch genutzt werden, um gegen kollektives Handeln und Gewerkschaftsbewegung zu agieren. Darüber hinaus zeigt der Artikel, dass es für die Gewerkschaften ein Schlüssel zum Erfolg sein kann, wenn sie zur Wahrnehmung der Interessen prekär beschäftigter Arbeitnehmer eine inklusive Strategie nutzen, die auf sich gegenseitig verstärkende und ergänzende gewerkschaftliche Machtressourcen, Einbettung in Netzwerke und internationale Solidarität setzt.


Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Debora Cristina de Castro da ROCHA ◽  
Edilson Santos da ROCHA

RESUMO Pretende-se com esta pesquisa, uma discussão acerca do impacto da Lei 13.467/2017 ao sindicalismo, no que tange a proibição do desconto ou cobrança sem a prévia e expressa anuência do trabalhador e a voluntariedade da sua ocorrência. Assim, a partir de uma contextualização histórica, busca-se na essência da criação da contribuição sindical, uma maior compreensão dos efeitos da reforma acerca do tema, tendo em vista esta ter tornado facultativa a contribuição, e se especificamente, aos trabalhadores, tal facultatividade poderá contribuir para a liberdade sindical no Brasil, e por outro lado, se esteja diante de um problema de financiamento dos sindicatos profissionais, e por consequência, da própria defesa dos respectivos trabalhadores. Buscar-se-á ainda, discorrer acerca da não recepção da Convenção n. 87 de 1948 pela Constituição de 1988, que dispõe acerca da liberdade sindical. E se a alteração promovida pela Reforma Trabalhista poderá proporcionar maior aproximação dos sindicatos com os trabalhadores, influenciando a anuência com o desconto da contribuição sindical. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Lei 13.467/2017; Sindicalismo; Contribuição Sindical; Reforma Trabalhista; Liberdade Sindical. ABSTRACT This discussion seeks to discuss the impact of Law 13467/2017 on trade unionism, regarding the prohibition of deduction or collection without the prior and express consent of the worker and the voluntariness of its occurrence. Thus, from a historical context, the essence of the creation of the union contribution is sought, a greater understanding of the effects of the reform on the subject, in order to make the contribution optional, and if specifically to the workers, this faculty can contribute to freedom of association in Brazil, and, on the other hand, there is a problem of financing trade unions and, consequently, the defense of the workers themselves. It will also be sought to find out whether the union uniqueness imposed by the 1988 Constitution could harm Convention No. 87 of 1948 which deals with freedom of association. And if the amendment promoted by the Labor Reform can bring the unions closer to the workers, influencing the agreement with the discount of the union contribution.KEYWORDS: Law 13467/2017; Trade Unionism; Union Contribution; Labor Reform; Freedom Of Association. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Indranil Bose ◽  
Baisakhi Mitra Mustaphi

Over the years, government’s enacted laws and enunciated policies to provide for decent work life, guarantee minimum wages, cushion against rise in cost of living, ensure equal remuneration and deter employers from making unfair and arbitrary deductions from wages has led to a change in the impact trade unions had on wage determination. The present article discusses different aspects of trade union’s role in wage and salary administration in terms of choices and options for trade unions, unions’ impact on general wage levels, unions’ impact in terms of spill-over effect, role of trade unions in wage and salary policies and practices and so on.


Author(s):  
Chris Pierson

This chapter argues that the starkest of the institutional problems facing social democracy now is a growing inability to win elections. Added to this was the challenge of a long-term decline in the industrial wing of social democracy. Historically, social democracy has been the politics of the labour movement, and a key component of this movement has always been trade unions and their members. While that relationship was not always as close as it was in the British or Swedish cases, trade unionism was almost always the ‘other half’ of social democracy. However, the 1980s were a time of loss for this ‘other side’ of social democracy. Trade unions were becoming increasingly feminised, more focused in the public sector and drawing in increasing numbers of middle-class public service members.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document