scholarly journals Along which identity lines does 21st-century Britain divide? Evidence from Big Brother

2020 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-222
Author(s):  
Tom Lane

This article measures discrimination in the reality TV show Big Brother, a high-stakes environment. Data on contestants’ nominations are taken from 35 series of the British version of the show, covering the years 2000–2016. Race and age discrimination are found, with contestants more likely to nominate those of a different race and those different in age from themselves. However, no discrimination is identified on the basis of gender, geographical region of origin, or level of education. Racial discrimination is driven by males, but females exhibit stronger age discrimination than males. Age discrimination is driven by the younger contestants discriminating against the older. Regional differences emerge, particularly between contestants from Greater London and those from the north of England; northerners have a stronger tendency to engage in racial and age discrimination, and to discriminate in favour of the opposite gender.

Author(s):  
Ravi Agrawal

In the year 2012, a generation ago in digital technology, the person who generated the most internet searches in India was not a cricketer or a Bollywood star. Nor was it a politician or a religious figure. None of them were close. The person most Indians were curious about that year—as measured by the total number of Google searches—was Canadian-Indian Karenjit Kaur Vohra, a.k.a. Sunny Leone, a former porn star and Penthouse Pet of the Year. It wasn’t the case only in 2012. As hundreds of millions of Indians continued to discover the internet through 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016, and even 2017, Sunny Leone remained the most-searched-for person in India. People simply couldn’t get enough. (Prime Minister Narendra Modi made it to number two in 2014, the year he was elected, but Leone remained the clear favorite.) Prudish, conservative, family-values India . . . and a porn star? Leone was no longer even performing; she had stopped around 2010 and started her own production company with her husband and manager, Daniel Weber. In 2011, she came to India as a guest on the reality TV show Bigg Boss, a local version of the Big Brother franchise. Leone’s appearance was predictably controversial (by design, of course: it was good for the ratings). Although most Indians hadn’t heard of her, it didn’t take long for word to spread: “A porn star—from America—here in India?” At the time, parliamentarian Anurag Thakur complained to the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, arguing that Leone’s presence on a nationally telecast program would “have a negative impact on the mindset of children.” Thakur added: “When children see these porn stars on TV and then do a Google search, it shows a vulgar site. It will have a bad impact in the long run.” There were no laws, however, to stop Leone from appearing on TV. While the production of pornography was officially illegal in India, Leone could justifiably argue she was no longer involved in the industry. She was trying to pivot to general entertainment.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Friedlander
Keyword(s):  

This chapter engages with the reality TV show parody The Joe Schmo Show, whose premise rests upon a cast of actors convincing an earnest participant that he is competing in a Big Brother–style reality. It compares The Joe Schmo Show with a series of made-for-TV movies based around “true events” and “real people,” with which it aired contemporaneously. It argues that, unlike docu-dramas which enable viewers to “see through” the fictionalized scene, The Joe Schmo Show functions in an unexpectedly disruptive way. Through setting up a seemingly irresistible scene for “seeing through” the ruse and then exploiting its attendant traps, the show accomplishes the subversive task of undermining the power of the ideological call of mastery associated with the realist form.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Friedlander

This chapter analyzes “Bitte liebt Österreich” (“Please Love Austria”), the controversial public art installation created by the late German conceptual artist and provocateur Christoph Schlingensief. Schlingensief staged a variation on the reality TV show Big Brother, in which asylum seekers were housed in a structure in a public square in Vienna, Austria. Passersby were invited to cast their vote each night for which detainee should be evicted the following day. By staging his intervention as a “game” that borrowed from the familiar “reality TV” genre, Schlingensief invites us to consider the question of whether using a fictional, game-like mode of representation to describe a politically reactionary event may help to subvert it. He thus offers an important twist to the logic which undergirds the position that realistic depictions of revolutionary events can themselves be politically potent.


2009 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Zala Volcic ◽  
Mark Andrejevic

Abstract: In this article, we consider the themes and reception of To Sam Ja (That’s Me), a Big Brother–style Balkan reality TV show filmed in Macedonia in 2004 and 2005 that featured several cast members from former Yugoslav republics living together. Drawing on examples taken from the production and reception of To Sam Ja, we explore the way in which the show manages political and economic conflicts by transposing them into the realm of the personal.Résumé : Dans cet article, nous considérons la réception de To Sam Ja (C’est moi), une émission de téléréalité réalisée en Macédoine en 2004 et 2005. À la manière de Big Brother et Loft Story, To Sam Ja met en vedette plusieurs représentants d’anciennes républiques yougoslaves vivant ensemble. En nous fondant sur des exemples provenant de la production et de la réception de To Sam Ja, nous explorons la manière dont cette émission gère les conflits politiques et économiques en les transposant dans le domaine personnel.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-327
Author(s):  
Sebanti Chatterjee

This article attempts to explore the performativity that surrounds choral music in contemporary India. 1 1 Choral music was discovered in Western civilization and Christianity. As a starting point, it had the Gregorian reforms of the 6th century. Choir primarily refers to a vocal ensemble practising sacred music inside church settings as opposed to chorus which indicates vocal ensembles performing in secular environments. Multiple singers rendered sacred polyphony 1430 onwards. By the end of the century a standardized four-part range of three octaves or more became a feature. The vocal parts were called superius (later, soprano), altus, tenor (from its function of ‘holding’ the cantus-firmus) and bassus (Unger 2010, 2–3). Moving beyond its religious functions, the Shillong Chamber Choir locates itself within various sounds. Hailing from Meghalaya in the north- eastern part of India, the Shillong Chamber Choir has many folksy and original compositions in languages such as Khasi, Nagamese, Assamese and Malayalam. However, what brought them national fame was the Bollywoodisation 2 2 Bollywood refers to the South Asian film industry situated in Mumbai. The term also includes its film music and scores. of the choir. With its win in the reality TV Show, India’s Got Talent 3 3 India’s Got Talent is a reality TV series on Colors television network founded by Sakib Zakir Ahmed, part of Global British Got Talent franchise. in 2010, the Shillong Chamber Choir introduced two things to the Indian sound-scape—reproducing and inhabiting the Bollywood sound within a choral structure, and introducing to the Indian audience a medley of songs that could be termed ‘popular’, but which ultimately acquired a more eclectic framework. Medley is explored as a genre. The purpose of this article is to understand how ‘Bollywood Broadway’ is the mode through which choral renditions and more mainstream forms of entertainment are coming together.


2020 ◽  
pp. 283-297
Author(s):  
Amit Lavie-Dinur ◽  
Yuval Karniel
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laiane Santos Eufrásio ◽  
Damião Ernane de Souza ◽  
Aline Medeiros Cavalcanti da Fonsêca ◽  
Elizabel de Souza Ramalho Viana

Abstract Introduction: Brazil presents high C-section prevalence rates. Several factors may be associated with such high rates. Objective: To observe and analyze factors associated with the prevalence of cesarean sections in Brazil, according to their occurrence in Brazilian regions. Methods: An ecological study, having C-section as the outcome, from 1990 to 2013, in Brazilian regions, using data from the Brazilian National Health Survey, 2013. Records of women in their reproductive period, aged between 18 and 49 years, were included, totaling a sample of 16,175 women. Descriptive and bivariate analysis was carried out with logistic regression. Results: The prevalence of cesarean sections in Brazil was 53.03%. Vaginal delivery was more prevalent in the North (52.74%) and Northeast (51.06%) regions, while C-section was more prevalent in the Southeast (59.32%), South (56.96%) and Midwest (61.48%) regions. Over the years, an increased probability of cesarean sections was observed, particularly in the following regions: Northeast (2.21 times more, CI95%: 1,42 - 3,46) and South (2.75 times more, CI95%: 1,44 - 5,23). Women with higher levels of education are 2.05 times (CI95%: 1.27 - 3.30) more likely to have a C-section, especially those in the Northern and Southern regions. In the Northeast, this probability increased, regardless of the level of education. Conclusion: The prevalence of cesarean sections in Brazil is high and, over the years, factors such as level of education, maternal age and having health insurance, seem to contribute to the increase in surgical deliveries.


Stanovnistvo ◽  
1999 ◽  
Vol 37 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 141-161
Author(s):  
Marina Todorovic ◽  
Gordana Vojkovic

The author begins by discussing the relationship between agriculture and population at a theoretical level, proceeds with a historical review of changes in the role and significance of an individual as agricultural producer, and finally, analyzes population as an element (potentials - limitations) of agricultural development in Serbia. The overall production results, and particularly the propensity to technical and technological innovation, as well as the ability to adapt to the changed conditions are, as we know well, crucially dependent on the structure of the working population. Hence, the author discusses regional differences in agricultural population by age, sex, level of education and productivity to provide a clear illustration of the impact of this element (indicator) on the population as the factor of agricultural production. The results show significant macroregional differences by this element with respect to the average for Serbia.


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