Book Reviews : Force Without War: U.S. Armed Forces as a Political Instrument. By BARRY M. C. BLECHMAN and STEPHEN S. KAPLAN. (Washington, D.C.: Brookings Inst., 1978. Pp. 584. $19.95, $2.95 paper.) Diplomacy of Power: The Political Use of Soviet Force. By STEPHEN S. KAPLAN. (Washington, D.C.; Brookings Inst., 1980. Pp. 733. $29.95, $12.95 paper.)

The article examines the process of formation of identity of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan – a charismatic leader, an adept of “moderate Islamism” one of the founders of the Justice and Development Party. Historically strong centralized authority was always normal for Turkey and the need for Turks in the charismatic leaders is evident even at the present time. Erdogan is stubborn and consistent, thanking to religious education in his family and in religious Lyceum Imam Hatib. He was always religious and since his student years, joined Islamic politicians. In his student years he became the head of the Istanbul Youth organization of the Islamist National Salvation Party, in whose ranks and files he received good practice of a political organizer. The crisis in the ranks of the Islamists after repeated bans of the Islamist party led to a split in its ranks and Erdogan and his associates established the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Creating the AKP, Erdogan and his colleagues received a very important support from the well-known Muslim preacher, writer and philosopher Fethullah Gülen living in Pennsylvania (USA). The political support of Gülen who has millions of followers in Turkey and a well-organized educational system of the “Hizmet” Movement operating not only in Turkey but also in 140 countries helped the AKP to win the elections to the Turkish Parliament. Numerous graduates of private schools, colleges and universities of F. Gülen has occupied leading positions in business, police, juridical structures and the armed forces of Turkey and became supporters of Erdogan. Economic reforms of the AKP has substantially strengthened the Turkish economy, increased the income of the population and managed to cope successfully with inflation. On this ground Erdogan’s credibility consequently grew in the face of voters who saw him a successful leader and skilled politician. However, Erdogan gradually returned to the daily life of Turks the Islamic religion, which caused discontent among the supporters of secular development of the country. Repeated attempts to remove the AKP from power were not successful. Using strong support from F. Gülen’s structures in the judiciary, Erdogan managed to organize high-profile lawsuits against the army leadership, politicians, and journalists – supporters of secular development of the country. In a popular referendum, the army was excluded from influence on the political system of the country. However, constant criticism of the policies of Erdogan from the side of F. Gülen led to the crisis of union between the two leaders. Using the failed coup attempt Erdogan accused in its organization Fethullah Gülen and began a wide crackdown against his supporters.

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The anniversary of the military coup attempt in Turkey, July 15–16, 2016. The evolution of a political system

Journal of International Analytics ◽

10.46272/2587-8476-2017-0-2-63-68 ◽

2017 ◽

pp. 63-68

Author(s):

Y. S. Kudryashova

Keyword(s):

Political System ◽

Armed Forces ◽

Authoritarian Regime ◽

Military Coup ◽

The Political ◽

The Government ◽

The Military ◽

Ruling Party ◽

Coup Attempt

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.

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DATA PROCESSING CENTER AS THE BASIS OF INFORMATION SECURITY OF THE DEFENSE MINISTRY OF UKRAINE

Системи управління навігації та зв’язку Збірник наукових праць ◽

10.26906/sunz.2019.5.084 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 5 (57) ◽

pp. 84-87

Author(s):

S. Suhak ◽

L. Shabanova-Kushnarenko ◽

M. Siruk ◽

N. Bihun ◽

A. Mishchenko

Keyword(s):

Data Processing ◽

Data Center ◽

Political System ◽

Armed Forces ◽

Information Infrastructure ◽

System Stability ◽

The Political ◽

Political Processes ◽

Data Processing Center ◽

The Creation

Nowadays, the development of information technologies determines the successful functioning of the political system, since they allow to control political processes, prevent social and political conflicts. Increasing the level of reliability of the information, the most effective use of information resources, external and internal information ropes increase the stability of the political system, stability of the socio-political development of the country. The combination of different telecommunication technologies that create the preconditions for building flexible and high-performance service-oriented systems can be used to solve problems in different industries. However, nowadays, one of the constraints on the implementation and further development of such networks is the theoretical under-development of service delivery models, due to the lack of comprehensive information on the structure of data center networks. During the research conducted by the authors, it was found that the data processing center is the basis for informing the defense ministry of Ukraine. During the research, the authors used general scientific methods of analysis and synthesis, as well as the basic provisions of the theory of informatics, the theory of complex technical systems, the theory of information, etc. During the research, the authors substantiated the main tasks that will be performed by the data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine, identified the main information and calculation tasks that will be performed by them. The authors also substantiated the requirements for building a data center of the Defense Ministry of Ukraine. The authors evaluated modern technological solutions and software and hardware for the creation of the information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine. Possible technical and software for building a reliable and secure data processing center of the defense ministry of Ukraine are proposed. Therefore, the prospective direction of further scientific research of the authors should be considered the justification of ways of improvement of informatization of the armed forces of Ukraine and the creation of information infrastructure of the defense ministry of Ukraine are mobile data centers. This will allow the deployment of information infrastructure in various conditions, including in the open space, which is very relevant for the specifics of actions in the east of Ukraine.

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Baltic States in NATO: Results of the Decade

MGIMO Review of International Relations ◽

10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-9-17 ◽

2014 ◽

pp. 9-17

Author(s):

V. V. Vorotnikov

Keyword(s):

Armed Forces ◽

Soviet Period ◽

The Political ◽

Political Elites ◽

Special Importance ◽

Open Door Policy ◽

Baltic States ◽

Political Leaders ◽

Global Issues ◽

The Baltic

In the post-Soviet period participation in NATO was one of the major goals of euro-atlantic integration for the Baltic states. Political leaders of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have considered participation in the alliance as an important element of euro-atlantic solidarity which allows small - from all viewpoints - states claim decision-making over global issues. This satisfies demands of the political elites and victimized public consciousness for more security, makes it possible for elites to consider their states as bulwark against Russia. Throughout the whole decade, such reasoning has been reflected in doctrines and speeches of Baltic politicians. After joining NATO, the Baltic states became the most active supporters of a deeper integration in the military area and "open door" policy. They have continued reforming their armed forces and renovating military infrastructure. They have acquired "specialization" within NATO by establishing centers of excellence. In terms of euro-atlantic solidarity, the participation in the International Security Assistance Force in Afganistan has become the most important international project for the Baltic states. However, only Estonia managed to mount their defence expenses to the level of 2% GDP. During the „Ukranian crisis" the issue of Baltic membership in NATO acquired special importance. Confrontational rhetoric and appeals to "Russian threat" in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, on the one hand, make it possible for their political leaders to constantly demonstrate their importance in the eyes of Western partners and demand more activity of the alliance and, on the other hand, make ground for the political elites to consolidate the electorate, by that ensuring that the right-wing conservative forces remain in power.

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