She Asked for It: Hardcore Porn, Sexism, and Rape Myth Acceptance

2021 ◽  
pp. 107780122110373
Author(s):  
Nicholas C. Borgogna ◽  
Emma C. Lathan ◽  
Ryon C. McDermott

The present study examined pornography viewing, rape myth acceptance, and sexist attitudes. Data came from 392 male and 903 female participants. Multigroup SEM indicated neither pornography viewing, nor hardcore pornography viewing, were related to rape myth acceptance when controlling for sexist attitudes among men. Wald tests indicated hostile sexism to be a significantly stronger predictor of all rape myths examined compared to pornography viewing or hardcore pornography viewing in men and women. Latent variable interaction analyses suggested hardcore pornography viewing as a significant exacerbating factor for the relationship between hostile sexism and “she asked for it” rape myths across genders.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-295
Author(s):  
Kallia Manoussaki ◽  
Valentina Gosetti

The aim of the present study was to determine whether ambivalent sexism predicts subtle rape myth acceptance. Respondents comprised of 211 university students, who completed the Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (Glick & Fiske, 1996) and the updated version of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance scale (McMahon & Farmer, 2011). Results indicated that while benevolent sexism significantly predicted acceptance of subtle rape myths, hostile sexism did not. Additionally, male participants reported more ambivalent sexism and subtle rape myth acceptance than females. These findings add to the literature investigating gender inequality and rape mythology by giving a first account on the link between subtle rape myths and ambivalent sexist attitudes.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mete Sefa Uysal ◽  
Emir Üzümçeker ◽  
İnci Boyacıoğlu

Exploring the implications of benevolent and hostile sexism separately in social practice and their relationships with related issues such as rape myths is essential for understanding gender violence which serves to maintain structural gender inequalities, such as retaliatory acts in honor cultures. Although a vast majority of research focused on direct and interpersonal aggressive response or retaliatory acts against the honor threat in honor cultures, little is known about subtler collective social processes in honor-damaging situations. To address the gap in our understanding of how retaliatory responses are carried out against honor threat in a subtler and collective way, we focused on the rising demands for reinstatement of the death penalty to stopped the increased rates of sexual violence in Turkey as a collective retaliatory response against honor-threat. To test this argument, we conducted a survey study with 450 participants to examine the role of ambivalent sexism, the gendered norms of honor culture, and rape myths on the support for death penalty for rape offenders in Turkey. The results indicate that ambivalent sexism and honor culture’s gendered norms predicted support for capital punishment. Furthermore, hostile sexism moderated the relationship between rape myth acceptance and support for death penalty. We find that individuals who have high hostile sexism and strong rape myth acceptance do not support capital punishment. These findings contribute to our understanding of the social mechanisms related to hostile and benevolent sexism which results in support for the death penalty in Turkey.


2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 332-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly L. LeMaire ◽  
Debra L. Oswald ◽  
Brenda L. Russell

This study investigated whether attitudinal variables, such as benevolent and hostile sexism toward men and women, female rape myth acceptance, and tolerance of sexual harassment are related to women labeling their sexual assault experiences as rape. In a sample of 276 female college students, 71 (25.7%) reported at least one experience that met the operational definition of rape, although only 46.5% of those women labeled the experience “rape.” Benevolent sexism, tolerance of sexual harassment, and rape myth acceptance, but not hostile sexism, significantly predicted labeling of previous sexual assault experiences by the victims. Specifically, those with more benevolent sexist attitudes toward both men and women, greater rape myth acceptance, and more tolerant attitudes of sexual harassment were less likely to label their past sexual assault experience as rape. The results are discussed for their clinical and theoretical implications.


Author(s):  
Agnieszka Ewa Łyś ◽  
Kamilla Bargiel-Matusiewicz ◽  
Tomasz Krasuski ◽  
Anna Studzińska

AbstractStereotyped beliefs concerning rape, called rape myths, are a global problem. The aim of the studies was to assess the psychometric properties of the Polish version of the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale which is used to assess rape myth acceptance. The tool has a high internal consistency (α = .92) and an overly good test-retest reliability (the It Wasn’t Really Rape subscale being one exception), The five-factor model fits the data better than the four-factor one. Both in the case of the four-factor and the five-factor models the brief version fits the data better than the full one. The study also demonstrated positive correlations of rape myth acceptance with right-wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, system justification, cultural conservatism, hostile sexism, benevolent sexism, beliefs in biological origins of the differences between men and women and unjust world beliefs. The correlation between rape myth acceptance and beliefs in cultural origins of the differences between men and women was negative. The analyses suggest that the Polish Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale is a reliable and valid tool and can be useful for further studies of rape myth acceptance.


Sexual Abuse ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 107906322110281
Author(s):  
Mara Martini ◽  
Stefano Tartaglia ◽  
Norma De Piccoli

The study aimed to validate the Italian version of the Measure for Assessing Subtle Rape Myths developed by McMahon and Farmer. A sample of 3,915 university students (70.8% female) completed the questionnaire. After an exploratory factor analysis, a confirmatory factor analysis tested the resulting four-factor structure of the Italian Subtle Rape Myth Acceptance (SRMA-IT) Scale (“She Asked for It”; “He Didn’t Mean To”; “It Wasn’t Really Rape”; and “She Lied”), consistent with McMahon and Farmer’s initial hypothesis. The Italian validation did not include items related to intoxication. Internal consistency of the subscales was good (α from .78 to .90). Convergent validity between all subscales and System Justification–Gender was detected: A strong relationship was observed ( r is from .19 to .33; p < .001). The independent-sample T test then showed that women accepted all four rape myths significantly less than men: Effect size is more than moderate for the myth “She Asked for It” (Cohen’s d = .60) and between small and moderate for the other myths ( d is from .35 to .42). Acceptance of rape myths is often associated with higher men’s proclivity to rape and with tendency to raped women’s double victimization (they can be not believed or blamed when they disclose the rape). Having a validated instrument to measure rape myth acceptance can enhance empirical research on this topic and help to develop interventions of prevention both for men in the society and for the first responders to disclosures, also sustaining a culture of respect and of contrast to violence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052091683
Author(s):  
Ashley K. Fansher ◽  
Sara B. Zedaker

An extensive amount of research has been devoted to understanding rape myths, especially in the context of sexual attitudes. Few studies have examined sexual actions as a correlate of rape myth acceptance (RMA). As such, this study utilizes the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) and its four distinct subscales to examine adherence to rape myths and an individual’s view of sex and sexuality in a sample of 1,310 college students. The IRMA was included in its entirety and separated into its four subscales: “She asked for it,” “He didn’t mean to,” “It wasn’t really rape,” and “She lied.” Results indicated that the most impactful variables for all four subscales were adversarial heterosexual beliefs, stereotypical gender beliefs, and being male. The main implications of this study pertain to implementation of programming. Intervention programming should focus on younger males due to their increased adherence to certain rape myths. Furthermore, programs that address not only rape myths but also other traditional and negative belief systems should be employed. Results of this study lend support to the supposition that it is not necessarily individual characteristics that have a large effect on RMA but is instead a strong adherence to traditional belief systems.


2019 ◽  
Vol 123 (3) ◽  
pp. 929-951
Author(s):  
Francesca Prina ◽  
Julie N. Schatz-Stevens

This study explores the influence of education and religiosity on sexist attitudes towards women and rape myth acceptance in two samples totaling 399 participants from the United States and Italy. Both samples completed a demographic questionnaire that assessed age, area of residence, and racial and gender identification. Three questions about religiosity and three about education were included, as well as the Attitudes Towards Women Survey and the Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression. In the Italian pool, 44 held at least a bachelor’s degree, 108 had completed some college, and 29 completed high school at most, while the United States pool consisted of 83, 123, and 12, respectively. Average self-reported levels of religiousness were M = 3.87 (SD = 3.05) in Italy and M = 5.10 (SD = 2.76) in the United States. In both samples, religiosity was a strong predictor of both sexism and rape myth acceptance, while education was only related to rape myth acceptance and with less strength than religiosity. Moreover, country of residence was an important influence for sexist beliefs along with both religiosity and education; however, for rape myth acceptance, country did not have a significant impact.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 249-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Duff ◽  
Amy Tostevin

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of gender-stereotypical beliefs and associated factors (gender, level of rape myth acceptance (RMA), and occupation) on public attitudes towards rape victims with the aim of establishing whether participant and perpetrator characteristics have effects on individuals’ attitudes towards rape victims. With regards to participants, gender, age, occupation, and the extent to which an individual endorses rape myths were investigated. The authors also considered whether participants’ attitudes were influenced by the occupation of a rapist as described in a vignette looking at occupations deemed to be stereotypically male or female. Design/methodology/approach – In total, 185 individuals participated in the study and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions based on the rapist’s occupation (stereotypically male occupation, gender-neutral occupation or stereotypically female occupation). Participants completed an online survey consisting of a RMA questionnaire, read a short vignette depicting a rape scenario (where they were also informed of the perpetrator’s occupation) and completed a further questionnaire on their attitudes towards rape victims. Results were examined by regression. Findings – The results indicate that both participant occupation and level of RMA significantly contributed to attitudes towards rape victims, however, a statistically significant effect for rapist occupation was not found. Originality/value – Findings are discussed in terms of implications for individuals working within services supporting victims of rape and the potential consequences of holding stereotypical beliefs for rape victims and perpetrators. It is important that research identifies those factors that might bias decision making in the legal system and thus impact upon outcomes for victims and offenders.


2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 311-328 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslee R. Kassing ◽  
Denise Beesley ◽  
Lisa L. Frey

The relationship of homophobia and gender role conflict to male rape myth acceptance was investigated using a sample of 210 adult men from a Midwestern community. A hierarchical multiple regression analysis was conducted to determine the ability of certain variables to predict adherence to male rape myths. Those variables were homophobia; success, power, and competition attitudes; restrictive affectionate behavior between men; restrictive emotionality; and conflicts between work and family relationships. Results indicated that greater adherence to rape myths was related to homophobia and more success, power, and competitive attitudes. Additionally, older participants and participants with lower levels of education were more likely to endorse greater adherence to rape myths. Implications of this research include the necessity for more research on male rape myth acceptance, for implementation of educational programs and changes in the socialization process to help dispel these myths, and for mental health counselors to provide unbiased and gender-responsive treatment modalities to male victims who seek help.


Author(s):  
David Gurnham

Given the seriousness for both women and men of misunderstanding or miscategorising sexual victimization and coercion, scholarly engagement with this topic must be self-critical and careful about its methods and conclusions. This article seeks to test the plausibility and justifiability of some key claims made within feminist scholarship as regards the implications of the traditional sexual script and the prevalence and impact of the “real rape” myth. The criticisms offered below with respect to these claims identify three problems: (a) that evidence that would challenge carceral feminists’ framing of the traditional sexual script as essentially a blueprint for rape is either marginalized or excluded from consideration altogether; (b) that within that framing the scripted roles of the coercive male and the passive female who is victimized have been allowed to solidify into immovable and immutable stereotypes; (c) that studies purporting to show that rape myth acceptance is highly prevalent and influential on popular attitudes are flawed in ways hitherto not fully acknowledged or explored.


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