scholarly journals Neoconservatism as discourse: Virtue, power and US foreign policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengxin Pan ◽  
Oliver Turner
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
The People ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1960S

Neoconservatism in US foreign policy is a hotly contested subject, yet most scholars broadly agree on what it is and where it comes from. From a consensus that it first emerged around the 1960s, these scholars view neoconservatism through what we call the ‘3Ps’ approach, defining it as a particular group of people (‘neocons’), an array of foreign policy preferences and/or an ideological commitment to a set of principles. While descriptively intuitive, this approach reifies neoconservatism in terms of its specific and often static ‘symptoms’ rather than its dynamic constitutions. These reifications may reveal what is emblematic of neoconservatism in its particular historical and political context, but they fail to offer deeper insights into what is constitutive of neoconservatism. Addressing this neglected question, this article dislodges neoconservatism from its perceived home in the ‘3Ps’ and ontologically redefines it as a discourse. Adopting a Foucauldian approach of archaeological and genealogical discourse analysis, we trace its discursive formations primarily to two powerful and historically enduring discourses of the American self — virtue and power — and illustrate how these discourses produce a particular type of discursive fusion that is ‘neoconservatism’. We argue that to better appreciate its continued effect on contemporary and future US foreign policy, we need to pay close attention to those seemingly innocuous yet deeply embedded discourses about the US and its place in the world, as well as to the people, policies and principles conventionally associated with neoconservatism.

The Iraq Syndrome Revisited

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Hastings Dunn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Risk Aversion ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
President Obama ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Vietnam Syndrome ◽  
Post War ◽  
Syndrome Analysis

Commencing from an observation by Freedman that Donald Rumsfeld’s legacy as US Secretary for Defense was comparable with that of Robert McNamara, and that where the latter begat the ‘Vietnam syndrome’ , the former would leave behind the ‘Iraq syndrome’. Analysis of discourse under President Obama reveals that the effects of Iraq are more profound than Freedman indicated. In the Obama era the use of force itself was ever more in doubt. In limiting US commitment to fighting for core interests and formal allies, the Obama administration broke with the main post-war tradition of US foreign policy. This made the use or threat of force more difficult, as the appetite for risk was blunted by its experience in Iraq. Obama’s position was unhelpful in embracing the implications of the limitations of American power. US ‘risk aversion’ risked failing both the US and the world.

scholarly journals Europe and America, partners in prosperity

European View ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
José María Aznar López
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Trade Barriers ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
Free Movement Of Goods ◽  
The Eu

Despite the ascendance of other regions in the world, the transatlantic relationship remains paramount. The cultural, historic and economic links between the US and Europe are strong and important. Notwithstanding the strength of these bonds, Europe has lost currency for US foreign policy as it has moved its focus to Asia. This can be attributed to the lack of coordination on the part of the Europeans and preoccupation with the EU's institutional debate. Now that the Lisbon Treaty has been ratified, the institutional debate is in the past and the EU must redouble its efforts to strengthen the transatlantic partnership. Going forward, the only way that the transatlantic partnership can be strengthened and for prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic to be assured is the removal of all trade barriers and the introduction of the free movement of goods, services, capital and labour across the Atlantic.

scholarly journals HENRY A. KISSINGER’S ARTICLE ON TERRORISM: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mokhamad Toha Rudin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Other World

The aim of this study is to conduct a critical analysis of Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment” on Newsweek 2004, and to elaborate US foreign policy toward Islam world and Terrorism after the end if the Cold War, this article also tries to find the ideology or tradition of American foreign policy reflected in Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment”, and how is Realism ideology reflected in the article. The study employs library research in which the data gathered from books, journals, magazines, and internet. The study also employs Van Dijk’s critical linguistic model for the critical analysis of Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment”.The result of the study shows that Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment” reflects both "multilateralistrealist” and “realist-idealist” perspectives for the US foreign policy that the US government should employ. He argues that no single superpower in the world could manage the world order alone without the participants of other world countries. He opposes W. Bush’s unilateral foreign policy toward Iraq though he agrees to “the move toward empire (terrorist) must be halted immediately”. He also argues that bringing democracy into the world, especially Iraq and Muslim worlds, is necessary in order to set up the new world order. The study also shows that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there is a new ideological and cultural conflict between Islam, especially the militant fundamentalist in the fringe of Islam, against the US (Western) globalization of democratization. The new conflict is also generated by the Western phobia toward Islam that can be traced back to the mid-century when the War of Crusade between Islam and Christianity happened.Keywords: US foreign policy, Realist, Idealist, Multilateralist, Unilateralist

scholarly journals Analyzing the Rise of Right-Wing Nationalism and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Mohammad A, Ismail
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Degree ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Other World ◽  
The Right

The new regime after the 2016 General Election and its advisors are working to establish a white nationalist government in the United States. If their efforts are fruitful, the US and the world as a whole face an unpredictable future. However, a small degree of optimism exists as the process of regime transformation is in its formative phase and the consequences are yet to become apparent. Comprehending the foundation of this precarious course can contribute to the formulation of measures that can facilitate resistance to it, and promote the path to a progressive future. It is widely acknowledged that the rise of right-wing nationalism is not restricted in the US alone. Instead, nations such as Britain, Poland, and Russia have seen an emergence of politics centered on Conservative populism. The core premises of these Right-Wing movements underscore the importance of patriotism, take advantage of the public’s reservations about minority races and denominations. Additionally, White nationalists are convinced that they can resolve existing economic challenges.This paper focuses on how Right-wing nationalists infiltrated mainstream American politics to facilitate the election of an individual who subscribes to their principles in Donald Trump. In this case, the essay details the core factors that contributed to the rise of Conservative nationalists in the country. Furthermore, the essay assesses how Trump's White nationalist background is influencing his and the US' foreign policy. In this context, the paper explores Donald Trump’s behavior on the international stage and his interactions with other world leaders. The paper concludes that Trump’s White nationalist agenda is focused on altering the US foreign policy such that it promotes the Right-wing populism in Europe and supports despots in other parts of the world who can enter bilateral agreements that seek to advance US interests abroad.

scholarly journals Obama’s Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (73) ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Miloš Hrnjaz ◽  
Milan Krstić
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Law ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Us

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.

scholarly journals A Política Externa dos Estados Unidos para a Venezuela: Mudanças e Continuidades entre os Governos Bush e Obama

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gabriela Dorneles Ferreira da Costa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Us ◽  
Historical Pattern ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Hugo Chavez

Diante do desafio representado aos EUA pela ascensão de Hugo Chávez à presidência da Venezuela, analisa-se o histórico da política externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) para a Venezuela desde o início dos anos 2000. O objetivo é verificar as mudanças e as continuidades da política externa dos EUA para a Venezuela conforme as mudanças de governo estadunidense e o contexto político venezuelano no período recente. Para tanto, a análise compreende os governos de George W. Bush (2001-2009) e Barack H. Obama (2009-2017). Nesse ínterim, o trabalho situa a política dos respectivos governos a três conjunturas venezuelanas: a tentativa de golpe de Estado contra Hugo Chávez em 2002, a consolidação do discurso antiestadunidense do governo chavista e a eclosão da crise generalizada instaurada na Venezuela após a morte de Chávez em 2013.Palavras-chave: Estados Unidos, Política Externa, Venezuela. ABSTRACTIn face of the challenge posed to the US by the rise of Hugo Chávez to Venezuela's presidency, this study aims to analyze the historical pattern of US foreign policy toward Venezuela since early 2000s. It seeks to verify shifts and continuities of US foreign policy toward Venezuela considering US government changes and Venezuelan political context. Therefore, the analysis comprises George W. Bush’s (2001-2009) and Barack H. Obama’s (2009-2017) administrations. Through this period, the research encompasses three different Venezuelan contexts: the Coup D’état attempt in 2002, the consolidation of Chávez’s government and his anti-American discourse e the outbreak of the crisis after Chávez’s death in 2013.Keywords: United States, Foreign Policy, Venezuela. Recebido em: 14 jan. 2020 | Aceito em: 23 jan. 2020.

The Historiography of Environmental History

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. R. McNeill
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Environmental History ◽  
Industrial Pollution ◽  
Full Scale ◽  
Environmental Concerns ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter discusses the emergence of environmental history, which developed in the context of the environmental concerns that began in the 1960s with worries about local industrial pollution, but which has since evolved into a full-scale global crisis of climate change. Environmental history is ‘the history of the relationship between human societies and the rest of nature’. It includes three chief areas of inquiry: the study of material environmental history, political and policy-related environmental history, and a form of environmental history which concerns what humans have thought, believed, written, and more rarely, painted, sculpted, sung, or danced that deals with the relationship between society and nature. Since 1980, environmental history has come to flourish in many corners of the world, and scholars everywhere have found models, approaches, and perspectives rather different from those developed for the US context.

Regime Type, Post-Materialism, and International Public Opinion about US Foreign Policy: The Afghan and Iraqi Wars

2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-39
Author(s):  
BENJAMIN E. GOLDSMITH
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
Security Cooperation ◽  
Muslim Population ◽  
Preliminary Results ◽  
Several Variables ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Relationship

Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document