The Iraq Syndrome Revisited

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Hastings Dunn
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Risk Aversion ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
President Obama ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Vietnam Syndrome ◽  
Post War ◽  
Syndrome Analysis

Commencing from an observation by Freedman that Donald Rumsfeld’s legacy as US Secretary for Defense was comparable with that of Robert McNamara, and that where the latter begat the ‘Vietnam syndrome’ , the former would leave behind the ‘Iraq syndrome’. Analysis of discourse under President Obama reveals that the effects of Iraq are more profound than Freedman indicated. In the Obama era the use of force itself was ever more in doubt. In limiting US commitment to fighting for core interests and formal allies, the Obama administration broke with the main post-war tradition of US foreign policy. This made the use or threat of force more difficult, as the appetite for risk was blunted by its experience in Iraq. Obama’s position was unhelpful in embracing the implications of the limitations of American power. US ‘risk aversion’ risked failing both the US and the world.

scholarly journals Vietnam Syndrome and its Effects on the Gulf War Strategy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baturay Yurtbay
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Vietnam Syndrome ◽  
The Vietnam War

The Vietnam War killed and wounded many soldiers and civilians. US foreign policy began to shift after the War’s, end including discussions on the level of power to be used for future wars or conflicts. The United States experienced considerable anxiety over its failures in Vietnam, which was coined the Vietnam Syndrome by the media and various political sciences scholars. The Gulf War, the first serious use of US military power after the Vietnam War, began with discussions about the suitable use of force and how the Vietnam War Syndrome could be overcome. While the Vietnam War was a huge failure for the United States, it also paved the way for new discussions on US foreign policy dealing with appropriate use of force, including last resort uses and US vital interests. These discussions are considered as the corner stone for the US success in the Gulf War. This study will briefly explain the effects and consequences of the Vietnam War and the Gulf War as well as analyse US foreign policy discussions between the Vietnam War and the Gulf War. While examining US foreign policy and the US intervention in the Gulf War, this research will mainly focus on the Shultz doctrine and the Weinberger doctrine. This study will show that the Vietnam War started many discussions on  the use of  force and its application in future wars that were part of the US Gulf War military strategy. Even though the United States experienced failure in the Vietnam War, the lessons taken helped to govern future conflicts and the most important clues were seen in the Gulf War.

Russia: facing west or east

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Uncertain Outcome ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Post War

This chapter reviews US-China-Russia relations in the post-war period, and considers how recent developments affect prospects for the US ‘pivot’. It explains why those driving US foreign policy towards China see the confrontation with Russia in Ukraine as a dangerous and diversionary adventure, leading to Sino-Russian convergence, distracting US attention from East Asia and undermining confidence among the US’s Asian allies of its commitment to the region. It is argued that if the US is to maintain primacy in the 21st century, it must subordinate other foreign policy goals to the paramount objective of containing China’s rise. The US’s failure to do this, instead pitting itself against both Putin in the West and China in the East, means it has driven Russia and China together, quite possibly sacrificing its vital need to contain China for a lesser goal of uncertain outcome in Ukraine.

scholarly journals Neoconservatism as discourse: Virtue, power and US foreign policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chengxin Pan ◽  
Oliver Turner
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Political Context ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Preferences ◽  
Close Attention ◽  
The People ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
The 1960S

Neoconservatism in US foreign policy is a hotly contested subject, yet most scholars broadly agree on what it is and where it comes from. From a consensus that it first emerged around the 1960s, these scholars view neoconservatism through what we call the ‘3Ps’ approach, defining it as a particular group of people (‘neocons’), an array of foreign policy preferences and/or an ideological commitment to a set of principles. While descriptively intuitive, this approach reifies neoconservatism in terms of its specific and often static ‘symptoms’ rather than its dynamic constitutions. These reifications may reveal what is emblematic of neoconservatism in its particular historical and political context, but they fail to offer deeper insights into what is constitutive of neoconservatism. Addressing this neglected question, this article dislodges neoconservatism from its perceived home in the ‘3Ps’ and ontologically redefines it as a discourse. Adopting a Foucauldian approach of archaeological and genealogical discourse analysis, we trace its discursive formations primarily to two powerful and historically enduring discourses of the American self — virtue and power — and illustrate how these discourses produce a particular type of discursive fusion that is ‘neoconservatism’. We argue that to better appreciate its continued effect on contemporary and future US foreign policy, we need to pay close attention to those seemingly innocuous yet deeply embedded discourses about the US and its place in the world, as well as to the people, policies and principles conventionally associated with neoconservatism.

scholarly journals Europe and America, partners in prosperity

European View ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-57
Author(s):  
José María Aznar López
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Trade Barriers ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Transatlantic Relationship ◽  
Free Movement Of Goods ◽  
The Eu

Despite the ascendance of other regions in the world, the transatlantic relationship remains paramount. The cultural, historic and economic links between the US and Europe are strong and important. Notwithstanding the strength of these bonds, Europe has lost currency for US foreign policy as it has moved its focus to Asia. This can be attributed to the lack of coordination on the part of the Europeans and preoccupation with the EU's institutional debate. Now that the Lisbon Treaty has been ratified, the institutional debate is in the past and the EU must redouble its efforts to strengthen the transatlantic partnership. Going forward, the only way that the transatlantic partnership can be strengthened and for prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic to be assured is the removal of all trade barriers and the introduction of the free movement of goods, services, capital and labour across the Atlantic.

scholarly journals HENRY A. KISSINGER’S ARTICLE ON TERRORISM: A CRITICAL ANALYSIS

2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Mokhamad Toha Rudin
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Us Government ◽  
Other World

The aim of this study is to conduct a critical analysis of Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment” on Newsweek 2004, and to elaborate US foreign policy toward Islam world and Terrorism after the end if the Cold War, this article also tries to find the ideology or tradition of American foreign policy reflected in Kissinger’s article “America’s Assignment”, and how is Realism ideology reflected in the article. The study employs library research in which the data gathered from books, journals, magazines, and internet. The study also employs Van Dijk’s critical linguistic model for the critical analysis of Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment”.The result of the study shows that Kissinger’s “America’s Assignment” reflects both "multilateralistrealist” and “realist-idealist” perspectives for the US foreign policy that the US government should employ. He argues that no single superpower in the world could manage the world order alone without the participants of other world countries. He opposes W. Bush’s unilateral foreign policy toward Iraq though he agrees to “the move toward empire (terrorist) must be halted immediately”. He also argues that bringing democracy into the world, especially Iraq and Muslim worlds, is necessary in order to set up the new world order. The study also shows that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, there is a new ideological and cultural conflict between Islam, especially the militant fundamentalist in the fringe of Islam, against the US (Western) globalization of democratization. The new conflict is also generated by the Western phobia toward Islam that can be traced back to the mid-century when the War of Crusade between Islam and Christianity happened.Keywords: US foreign policy, Realist, Idealist, Multilateralist, Unilateralist

scholarly journals Analyzing the Rise of Right-Wing Nationalism and Its Impact on US Foreign Policy

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 137
Author(s):  
Mohammad A, Ismail
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Degree ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Core ◽  
The Us ◽  
The World ◽  
Other World ◽  
The Right

The new regime after the 2016 General Election and its advisors are working to establish a white nationalist government in the United States. If their efforts are fruitful, the US and the world as a whole face an unpredictable future. However, a small degree of optimism exists as the process of regime transformation is in its formative phase and the consequences are yet to become apparent. Comprehending the foundation of this precarious course can contribute to the formulation of measures that can facilitate resistance to it, and promote the path to a progressive future. It is widely acknowledged that the rise of right-wing nationalism is not restricted in the US alone. Instead, nations such as Britain, Poland, and Russia have seen an emergence of politics centered on Conservative populism. The core premises of these Right-Wing movements underscore the importance of patriotism, take advantage of the public’s reservations about minority races and denominations. Additionally, White nationalists are convinced that they can resolve existing economic challenges.This paper focuses on how Right-wing nationalists infiltrated mainstream American politics to facilitate the election of an individual who subscribes to their principles in Donald Trump. In this case, the essay details the core factors that contributed to the rise of Conservative nationalists in the country. Furthermore, the essay assesses how Trump's White nationalist background is influencing his and the US' foreign policy. In this context, the paper explores Donald Trump’s behavior on the international stage and his interactions with other world leaders. The paper concludes that Trump’s White nationalist agenda is focused on altering the US foreign policy such that it promotes the Right-wing populism in Europe and supports despots in other parts of the world who can enter bilateral agreements that seek to advance US interests abroad.

scholarly journals Obama’s Dual Discourse on American Exceptionalism

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (73) ◽  
pp. 25-56
Author(s):  
Miloš Hrnjaz ◽  
Milan Krstić
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Law ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Use Of Force ◽  
American Exceptionalism ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Hard Power ◽  
The Us

Abstract This paper analyses the highly contested concept of American exceptionalism, as described in the speeches of Barak Obama. The authors of the paper use discourse analysis to show that Obama is using the idea of American exceptionalism on two levels: US foreign policy and the US stance towards international law. Our conclusion is that Obama uses an implicit dual discourse in both these fields. Obama favours active US foreign policy, based on soft power instruments and multilateralism. He insists that American exceptionalism does not mean that the US can exempt itself from the norms of international law, however, he does not think the US should always have a very active foreign policy. He makes room for unilateral acting and the use of hard power instruments in foreign policy. He allows for the use of force even if is not in accordance with the norms of international law, when US national interests are threatened.

US Security Assistance to Pakistan in Post 9/11 Period

2021 ◽  
pp. 96-116
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
President Obama ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
The Us ◽  
Strategic Goals ◽  
Security Relationship ◽  
The Cold War

This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of United States aid assistance to Pakistan in the light of post 9/11 security developments in the world. The analysis of US foreign policy aid instruments generally indicates three broad objectives: strategic/politico-security benefits, economic interests and humanitarian concerns. Although one consistently recurring theme in US foreign policy aid provision, both in the Cold War period and the newer post 2001 ‘War on Terror’ period has been security. This theme has also defined US-Pakistan aid relationship in different times, with the exception of Bush administration, who unlike the Cold War period made an alteration byspecifying funds forpurpose-basedusage in sub-fields. This paper argues that Bush administration sought to achieve US foreign policy objectives by providing strategic aid to Pakistan much at the expense of domestic public opinion. It further stresses that change in administration in the US brought obstacles in aid flows to Pakistan as President Obama not only reduced the amount of aid under specific heads, but also openly accused Pakistan of fomenting the militants (the good Taliban), which in turn hurt the US broader strategic goals in the region and raised irreconcilable issues of trust between the two countries. The new administration of Trump went a step ahead by suspending many of the aid programmes to Pakistan, bringing the all-time trust-deficit between the two countries to an all-time low. This paper primarily applies the realist and neo-realist theoretical framework to understand the aid and security relationship paradigm between the US and Pakistan.

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