Political parties, formal selection criteria, and gendered parliamentary representation

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elin Bjarnegård ◽  
Pär Zetterberg
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Selection Criteria ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
The Other ◽  
Underrepresented Groups ◽  
Unique Data ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Geographic Background

Political parties sometimes set up formal criteria to define the pool of potential candidates. This article represents the first large-scale comparative analysis of potential unintended gendered consequences of these formal selection criteria for parliamentary representation. Using unique data on 101 political parties in 32 African, Asian, and postcommunist European countries, we find that there is indeed a relationship between formal selection criteria and men’s and women’s political representation. Criteria that concern ethnic or geographic background and intraparty experiences are harmful to women. On the other hand, gendered consequences are not as pronounced as a result of criteria concerning qualifications or requirements in relation to electability. Taken together, the analysis points to the need to pay increased attention to formal selection criteria and how this under-researched aspect of candidate selection shapes the parliamentary representation of underrepresented groups.

Africa — Latin America — Asia and Pacific — Middle East

1986 ◽  
Vol 26 (251) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Other ◽  
Displaced Persons ◽  
Assistance Programme ◽  
Medical Teams ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The One ◽  
Voluntary Agencies

In January and February, the ICRC reduced, as planned, the level of its relief activities in Ethiopia. This reduction was made possible, on the one hand, by an increase in food supplies for the population in the northern provinces of that country affected by conflict and drought and, on the other, by more intensive activity on the part of other voluntary agencies in the area. While leaving in place the structures which would enable it rapidly to set up a large-scale assistance programme if the need were to appear in a given region, the ICRC has lowered the volume of its general relief distributions. In December 1985, 10,700 tonnes were distributed to 830,000 persons. This was reduced to 5,000 tonnes for 424,300 persons in January, and further to 2,800 tonnes for 181,000 persons in February in the provinces of Eritrea, Tigray, Wollo, Gondar and Hararge. The last three therapeutic feeding centres were closed on 16 January (Wukro), and on 16 and 27 February (Idaga Hamus and Adwa). However, ICRC medical teams continued to monitor the health of the populations living in provinces which were receiving assistance, concentrating their activities on groups of displaced persons in Eritrea (in the region between Keren and Barentu), Tigray (in the region between Aksum and Adwa and the region of Mehony), Wollo (in the region of Sekota) and Hararge (Wobera Woreda; Habro Woreda), all areas with major security problems.

“Revenge of the East”?

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-58
Author(s):  
Jennifer A. Yoder
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Alternative For Germany

This article examines the ways the Alternative for Germany (AfD) has claimed to supply eastern voters with important elements of political representation that they demand. Rather than seeking “revenge,” which would suggest voting purely out of protest against a government or policy, the evidence examined in this article suggests that some voters in the East support the AfD to express something else. The reactions of some of the other political parties in the wake of recent elections suggest that they have begun to pay more attention to their roles in the electorate and to the various dimensions of political representation.

Eigen democratie eerst ! : Een comparatief onderzoek naar het intern democratisch gehalte van de Vlaamse politieke partijen

Res Publica ◽  
2002 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-96
Author(s):  
Jan Jagers
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Comparative Study ◽  
Practical Experience ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Onderzoek Naar ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Cordon Sanitaire ◽  
Political Scene

In Flanders, the political scene is divided in two by the 'cordon sanitaire' : none of the Flemish political parties want to make any political arrangement with the Vlaams Blok (Flemish Bloc), an extreme-right populistic party that is considered to be undemocratic. The undemocratic reproaches not only refer to the extreme-right ideology, but also point at the internal functioning of the Vlaams Blok. In this article we discuss the results of a comparative study of the articles ofassociation ofthe Flemish political parties. This study was set up to test the undemocratic reproaches by practical experience, and shows that the internal organisation ofthe Vlaams Blok reallyfunctions undemocraticly compared to the other Flemish political parties.

Official Landscapes in Traditional China

1980 ◽  
Vol 23 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 153-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Leeming
Keyword(s):  
Land Management ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Northern China ◽  
The Other ◽  
Land Allocation ◽  
Management Systems ◽  
Fourth Section ◽  
The Third ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Topographical Maps

AbstractThis article is arranged in seven sections. In the first section, attention is drawn to the remarkable and extremely extensive rectilinear land layouts which can be deduced from large-scale topographical maps of northern China, to the likelihood of their having been constructed in periods of official land allocation schemes, and to various problems of procedure which arise in the attempt to study them systematically. The second section surveys the chün-t'ien land management systems, as they are known from the traditional historic sources, and a number of special features of these systems, especially the relations between changes in land allocations and changes in the official units in which they were measured. It is argued that the rectilinear forms indicated by the maps could not easily have been set up in chün-t'ien times, because the land was then already closely settled, and that the prominent strip systems which can be found on most of the maps, not always clearly an outcome of the chun-t'ien systems, suggest an earlier origin for these basic rectilinear forms. This reasoning, and even more the study of the dimensions used in the strip systems, leads back to the tradition of ching-t'ien. In the third section, examples are given of military farm layouts, which are a special and local feature of some of the maps. In the fourth section, two examples of contrasting rectilinear layouts are described and analysed as types-one from Anhwei, the other from Shensi. Both appear to be T'ang reconstructions of much older formal layouts, and both are thought to lead back to ching-t'ien through detectable steps in Ch'in or Han time. The fifth section gives three examples of layouts from Shantung, all apparently rebuilt under Northern Ch'i, but all based upon ching-t'ien foundations. The sixth section illustrates and analyses a layout from Honan, apparently reconstructed in Sui times but also apparently built upon ching-t'ien foundations. In the seventh and last section, the salient features of the argument and the interpretations are summarised.

scholarly journals What did it take for Lucas to set up ‘useful’ analogue systems in monetary business cycle theory?

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 61-82
Author(s):  
Peter Galbács
Keyword(s):  
Business Cycle ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Social Reality ◽  
The Other ◽  
Business Cycle Theory ◽  
Contrasting Cases ◽  
Predictive Success ◽  
Causal Mechanisms ◽  
Analogue System ◽  
Set Up

This paper provides a look into what Lucas meant by the term ‘analogue systems’ and how he conceived making them useful. It is argued that any model with remarkable predictive success can be regarded as an analogue system, the term is thus neutral in terms of usefulness. To be useful Lucas supposed models to meet further requirements. These prerequisites are introduced in two steps in the paper. First, some properties of ‘useless’ Keynesian macroeconometric models come to the fore as contrasting cases. Second, it is argued that Lucas suggested two assumptions as the keys to usefulness for he conceived them as referring to genuine components of social reality and hence as true propositions. One is money as a causal instrument and the other is the choice-theoretic framework to describe the causal mechanisms underlying large-scale fluctuations. Extensive quotes from Lucas’s unpublished materials underpin the claims.

Populism and Political Parties

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Body Politic ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Other ◽  
National Party ◽  
Theoretical Integration

Populism and party politics are often studied separately, yet neither can be understood in isolation from the other. Any explanation for the rise of populism must inevitably address the deficiencies of party-based modes of political representation for which populism claims to offer a corrective. Indeed, populism thrives where mainstream parties are in crisis, or at least where they exclude or ignore major currents of opinion in the body politic. The study of populism, therefore, must be situated in the larger domain of political representation, and it is necessarily intertwined with the study of party politics. To enhance this theoretical integration, this chapter begins with an analysis of the representational deficiencies that are conducive to the rise of populist challengers, giving special attention to the recent European and Latin American experiences. It then explores the construction of populist parties and their transformative effects on national party systems.

GERAKAN HIZBUT TAHRIR DAN RAELITAS POLITIK ISLAM KONTEMPORER DI INDONESIA

1970 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonkennedi Jonkennedi
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Religious Movement ◽  
New Order ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Community Groups ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The One

In Post-New Order, the process of democratization is not only marked by theemergence of new political parties and the blooming of civil society groups, but alsogroups that identify themselves as part of a religious movement. Islam in particularexplicitly identifies the community groups that are manifest at the same time positioning itas the basis for the orientation of the movement and its struggle.The emergence of groups affiliated with Islam restored the old debate being acontroversy foe a long time. The issue is what the most representative formulation of Islamand state is. There are 2 (two) major currents in this discourse which are then plotted on agroup of formalists and substantialists. Formalist groups have an interest in linking Islamand the state legally and formally, whereas substantialist groups emphasize on thesubstantial meaning of Islam in the state.This paper will discuss a pattern of Islam formalist movement in the politicalrealities of contemporary Indonesia. The democratization process enables the various civilsociety groups to express their aspirations through the organizing group. One of theaspirations that are organized as part of civil society is a political movement. Formalpolitical institutions in the development of democracy continue to decline or deficit. Otherforms of political organizing on the one hand can be interpreted as a deepening ofdemocracy or of deliberation, but on the other hand, it can be interpreted as an expressionof dissatisfaction to the formal political representation.

scholarly journals Interactions between Party and Legislative Quotas: Candidate Selection and Quota Compliance in Portugal and Spain

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 416-439 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tània Verge ◽  
Ana Espírito-Santo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Gender Representation ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Institutional Contexts ◽  
Potential Interactions ◽  
Simultaneous Implementation

About two decades after the introduction of party quotas, in the mid-2000s both Portugal and Spain enacted legislative gender quotas. The simultaneous implementation of party and legislative quotas raises questions about the potential interactions between two types of candidate quotas sharing the same goal – granting gender equality in political representation. Following a feminist institutionalist approach, this article aims at disentangling under what circumstances compliance with legislative quotas is greater. By looking at the different party institutional contexts in which candidates are selected, a double comparative framework is set. Firstly, we examine within country how legislative quotas affect political parties with dissimilar strategies to pursue equal gender representation. Secondly, we analyse across countries how they impact on political parties with differently institutionalized voluntary quotas. The article shows that legislative quotas are nested in political parties’ candidate selection process and that existing gendered practices and norms limit the effective compliance with such measures.

scholarly journals International Assistance Operations in Disaster Situations

1990 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Remi Russbach
Keyword(s):  
United Nations ◽  
Disaster Preparedness ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Disaster Relief ◽  
The Other ◽  
Emergency Relief ◽  
Emergency Operations ◽  
International Assistance ◽  
Relief Operations ◽  
Set Up

Sound disaster preparedness and a well-organized, local and material response will considerably reduce the necessity for calling on international assistance in the event of disaster. However, despite an excellent level of preparedness, some dramatic situations in the wake of a large-scale disaster always will make the mobilization of international resources absolutely essential.The international network for disaster relief is quite complex. Many governments have set up emergency relief teams to cope with disasters in their own countries and are able to assign these teams to international relief operations. This type of governmental assistance is provided under agreement with the other governments involved. The United Nations (UN), through the Office of the UN Disaster Relief Coordinator (UNDRO), can play a role in coordinating emergency operations.

scholarly journals Seeking Representation: The Development of Hungarian Minority Parties in Serbia and Slovakia

2021 ◽  
Vol 101 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-182
Author(s):  
Ju. Everett ◽  
E. Redžić
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Ethnic Minority ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Other ◽  
Minority Representation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
United Front ◽  
Hungarian State ◽  
High Level ◽  
Made In

Ever since the 1920 Treaty of Trianon there have been sizable Hungarian minorities found in countries neighbouring the modern Hungarian state. Since the fall of authoritarian communist regimes and the rise of political plurality these minorities have sought representation, often through minority parties. This lens of political parties is applied in this article, in order to examine the seeking of representation by the Hungarian ethnic minority in Serbia and Slovakia. The overall development of parties is outlined, the stages of their development is illustrated and each stage is analysed in detail. The main findings are that Hungarian minority representation is incredibly fragmented and dogged by conflict in both countries, involving many splits in parties, with the formation and liquidation of parties common. However, during exceptional times they were able to show a united front to nationalist governments, this was observed in both Slovakia and Serbia. In more recent times conflict has returned to the fore, with the situations somewhat divergent. The high level of conflict within those seeking to offer political representation to the Hungarian minority in Serbia was notable, as was a lack of an end in sight. On the other hand, there were attempts to unite made in Slovakia, although they are yet to experience much success.

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