Political parties and campaign resource allocation: Gender gaps in Brazilian elections

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110184
Author(s):  
Andrew Janusz ◽  
Sofi-Nicole Barreiro ◽  
Erika Cintron
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Financial Support ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Candidate Identification

Political parties shape electoral outcomes by determining who stands for election and what campaign resources they have at their disposal. The introduction of gender quotas have led party leaders to nominate more women candidates, however, those women disproportionately lose. We contend that one of the reasons that women routinely lose is because party elites withhold the campaign resources necessary to mount an effective campaign. In this paper, we test this resource gatekeeping argument using data on the provision of campaign resources in Brazil. We analyze the distribution of three different types of party resources: candidate identification numbers, financial support, and television airtime. Our findings show that party elites provide female candidates less advantageous candidate identification numbers, less financial support, and less media access than they provide male candidates. Importantly, we do not find that gender gaps in campaign contributions are attributable to differences in candidate quality. This finding suggests that even when women are recruited to run for office, party elites may still undermine their electoral prospects.

Race and Campaign Resources: Candidate Identification Numbers in Brazil

2021 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2110526
Author(s):  
Andrew Janusz ◽  
Cameron Sells
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Fixed Effects ◽  
Electronic Voting ◽  
Media Access ◽  
Public Office ◽  
Racial And Ethnic Minorities ◽  
Identification Number ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Candidate Identification

Party elites may hinder racial and ethnic minorities from winning public office by withholding resources. Prior studies have explored the distribution of money, media access, and party-list positions. In Brazil, party elites provide each candidate with a unique identification number. Voters must enter their preferred candidate’s identification number into an electronic voting machine to register their support. In this article, we replicate and extend Bueno and Dunning’s (2017) analysis of candidate identification numbers. They conclude that party elites do not provide white candidates with superior identification numbers than non-whites. We contend that assessing intraparty variation is theoretically and methodologically warranted. Using party fixed effects, we find that party elites provide non-white candidates with worse identification numbers than whites. We demonstrate that our findings are generalisable using data from other elections. Moreover, we show that party elites also withhold advantageous numbers from women and political novices.

The Troublesome “Paradox of Gender Quotas”: A Few Methodological Notes on the Margin of an Article by Michael Jankowski and Kamil Marcinkiewicz

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-8 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maciej A. Górecki
Keyword(s):  
Recent Article ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Methodological Choices ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Paradoxical Effects ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Methodological Aspects ◽  
Electoral Performance

Abstract In a recent article published in Politics & Gender, Michael Jankowski and Kamil Marcinkiewicz (2019) study the effects of gender quotas on the electoral performance of female candidates in open-list proportional representation (OLPR) systems. On the empirical side, their study is a critical reanalysis of the Polish case, in particular the regularities demonstrated in a 2014 study that I coauthored. We argued there that at the micro level (candidate level), the effects of quotas were somewhat “paradoxical”: following the installation of quotas, women candidates tend to perform worse relative to their male counterparts than they did during the pre-quota period. Jankowski and Marcinkiewicz claim to demonstrate that those “paradoxical” effects are minor and thus practically negligible. In this note, I argue that their conclusion is largely a result of the particular methodological choices made by these authors. These choices seem unobvious, debatable, and potentially controversial. The note concludes that we need more reflection and debate on the methodological aspects of analyzing candidates’ electoral success in complex electoral systems, such as multidistrict OLPR. This would greatly facilitate future efforts aimed at an unequivocal examination of the contentious concepts such as the notion of “paradox of gender quotas.”

scholarly journals Editorial introduction: Gender and political financing

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110409
Author(s):  
Rainbow Murray ◽  
Ragnhild Muriaas ◽  
Vibeke Wang
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
Special Issue ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The Cost ◽  
The Impact

Contesting elections is extremely expensive. The need for money excludes many prospective candidates, resulting in the over-representation of wealth within politics. The cost of contesting elections has been underestimated as a cause of women’s under-representation. Covering seven case studies in six papers, this special issue makes theoretical and empirical contributions to understanding how political financing is gendered. We look at the impact on candidates, arguing that the personal costs of running for office can be prohibitive, and that fundraising is harder for female challengers. We also explore the role of political parties, looking at when and how parties might introduce mitigating measures to support female candidates with the costs of running. We demonstrate how political institutions shape the cost of running for office, illustrate how this is gendered and consider the potential consequences of institutional reform. We also note how societal gender norms can have financial repercussions for women candidates.

The Strategic Use of Women Candidates in Post-Scandal Environments

2019 ◽  
pp. 62-94
Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Large N ◽  
Party Elites

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.

scholarly journals The Consequences of Quotas: Assessing the Effect of Varied Gender Quotas on Legislator Experience in the European Parliament

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-30
Author(s):  
Andrea S. Aldrich ◽  
William T. Daniel
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Institutions ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Using Data

Abstract This article explores the consequences of quotas on the level of diversity observed in legislators’ professional and political experience. We examine how party system and electoral system features that are meant to favor female representation, such as gender quotas for candidate selection or placement mandates on electoral lists, affect the composition of legislatures by altering the mix of professional and political qualifications held by its members. Using data collected for all legislators initially seated to the current session of the European Parliament, one of the largest and most diverse democratically elected legislatures in the world, we find that quotas eliminate gendered differences in experience within the institution, particularly when used in conjunction with placement mandates that ensure female candidates are featured on electoral lists in viable positions. Electoral institutions can generally help to “level the playing field” between the backgrounds of men and women in elected office while increasing the presence of desirable qualities among European Parliament representatives of both genders.

Not much happened: The impact of gender quotas in Poland

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Relative Size ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
The Impact

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.

scholarly journals The Voters Behavior Towards Women Candidates in the 2019 Legislative Election in North Luwu Regency

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Ananda Rezky Wibowo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Gender Issues ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Commitment ◽  
Political Candidates ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Political Costs ◽  
Legislative Body

The results showed that the absence of female candidates who passed the legislative body in North Luwu Regency showed that the implementation of the policy affirmative action of the 30 percent quota of women's representation was not optimal, even though voter behavior was no longer significant in questioning gender issues in politics. This is due to the dominance of male political elites which still have a big influence because the voting community still sees the existence of these political elites. In addition, it is due to the failure of political parties to regenerate and build political commitment to women. Although in the 2014-2019 period there were two female representatives in the legislative body of North Luwu Regency, in the 2019-2023 elections they were not re-elected because they no longer had a network of power and kinship. The most crucial factor is that money politics is still a compromise tool in the electoral process, political actors play a role in money politics, so this makes no female candidates elected because of their inability to compete with the flow of money politics even though they have incurred political costs. which is not the least. Voters will choose a certain candidate if he feels there is a reciprocal that will be accepted as well as political candidates who are afraid of losing their votes, this irrational act (playing money politics) becomes the last resort.

scholarly journals Money matters: The impact of gender quotas on campaign spending for women candidates

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110410
Author(s):  
Fiona Buckley ◽  
Mack Mariani
Keyword(s):  
Financial Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Political Opportunity Structure ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Gender Quota ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Campaign Financing

Despite concerns that women candidates are hampered by gender gaps in campaign financing, few scholars have examined how gender quotas impact women candidates’ access to campaign funds. We examine the effect of a party-based gender quota on women candidates’ financing and electoral success in Ireland. Under the gender quota, the number of women candidates increased and parties acted strategically to provide women challengers with increased financial support. However, women challengers spent less candidate funds than men challengers and were less likely to have prior officeholding experiences associated with fundraising. Women challengers’ disadvantage is concerning because candidate expenditures are associated with winning votes. Our findings show that the effectiveness of a gender quota is partly determined by how the quota interacts with the campaign finance system and the political opportunity structure.

Do Parties and Voters Counteract Quota Regulations? The Impact of Legislative Gender Quotas on Ballot Ranking and Preference Voting in Poland

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Gendźwiłł ◽  
Tomasz Żółtak
Keyword(s):  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Counterfactual Reasoning ◽  
Female Representation ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Level Data ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Female Legislators ◽  
The Impact

AbstractThis article investigates how the introduction of gender quotas affected female representation in an open-list proportional representation system. Based on the Polish parliamentary elections of 2005, 2007, 2011, and 2015, it attempts to explain the gap between the share of female candidates and the share of female legislators. The authors estimate changes in individual electoral chances using logistic regression. Subsequently, counterfactual reasoning is applied to display the results in the metrics of seat shares. The analyses of candidate-level data demonstrate that after the introduction of quotas, significantly more women ran for office, but parties and voters, on average, changed their preferences to the disadvantage of female candidates, even when incumbency and previous electoral experience were controlled. The article demonstrates that women benefited from the introduction of quotas, but not right away. The desired effect of gender quotas (an increase in female legislative representation) was mitigated mainly by the unequal distribution of “electoral capital” among candidates of both genders. The impact of this factor was moderated by ballot ranking patterns. Once women acquire more electoral capital, the role of party elites’ negative bias in ballot ranking becomes more visible.

scholarly journals KAJIAN KONSTITUSI SEBAGAI LANDASAN DASAR TERHADAP PENYELENGGARAAN PEMILU DI INDONESIA

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 115
Author(s):  
Anwar Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
University Campus ◽  
Election Law ◽  
Women Candidates ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Election System

Regarding the electoral system explained that the recruitment of a candidate by a political party depends on the electoral system that develops in a country. An open list allows a candidate to get For political parties, the popularity of a candidate makes voter choices focused on his party rather than on other political parties. In Indonesia too, the latest election law requires each political party to include a minimum of 30% female candidates. This opens up greater possibilities for women to become legislators. However, on the other hand political parties are very selective towards women candidates: Only women candidates who meet certain criteria (beautiful, popular, academic) actually make up 30% of their party candidates. In scientific writing, the writer uses the method of normative juridical approach, with research specifications namely descriptive analysis. Research locations on the Buana Perjuangan University campus Karawang The results of the study discussed the 1955 Election System to the 2019 Election System and the great ideals of the intention to hold simultaneous elections in 2019 one of which was to strengthen the Presidential System. Concurrent elections can be one of the efforts to reform the Presidential system implemented in Indonesia after the reform. Keywords: Constitution; Elections; Political System.

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