The Strategic Use of Women Candidates in Post-Scandal Environments

Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Chapter 4 examines the inclusion calculations of party elites in the aftermath of a massive corruption scandal. It argues that party elites have an incentive to strategically increase the presence of women candidates in such an environment in order to associate themselves and their party with stereotypical feminine traits, but this incentive is not always enough to trigger inclusion. Case study analyses of Spain, Portugal, and Ireland are presented, with evidence that political parties in Spain and Portugal recruit and run more women candidates in high-profile positions after a massive scandal breaks but, due to the high “costs” of running women in the institutional environment of Ireland, this effect is not found there. Finally, the chapter presents a large-N regression analysis of legislative electoral results over a period of 20 years, with evidence that more women win legislative seats in the aftermath of a corruption scandal.

Author(s):  
Melody E. Valdini

Power-holders and gate-keepers in political parties and governments continue to be primarily men. How are they responding to the increasing numbers of women who are seeking leadership roles in politics? Are they angels who embrace equality and fling open the doors to power? Are they devils who block women at every turn? Are they powerless against the increasing tide of feminism and inadvertently succumbing to the push for power from women? Most likely, these male elites are primarily concerned with maintaining their own power, which drives their reaction to women’s political inclusion. The Inclusion Calculation examines women’s inclusion from the perspective of men in power and offers a novel approach to understanding differences in women’s descriptive representation. The book argues that with declining legitimacy it is valuable for male elites to “strategically feminize,” associating themselves or their party with women, because citizens will interpret the increased presence of women as meaning that the party or government is becoming more honest, cooperative, and democratic. Using a combination of case studies from Latin America, Europe, and Africa, as well as large-N analyses, the book provides evidence that male elites are more likely to increase the number of women candidates on party lists or adopt a gender quota when “feminizing” is advantageous to the political careers of men. Women’s exclusion from government, then, is not a product of their own lack of effort or ability but rather a rational action of men in power to keep their power.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahathir Muhammad Iqbal ◽  
Ahmad Syaiful Kurniawan

<p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p><em>Political parties play a role as a very strategic link between government processes and citizens. Each political party has a different recruitment pattern, where the recruitment pattern of party members is adjusted to the political system it adopts. In recruiting members and candidates for the 2019 legislative elections, DPC of the Malang Regency National Awakening Party provides equal opportunities for all citizens to compete in the selection process of candidates. The theory used is the recruitment of Pippa Norris who uses three indicators, namely: the certification stage, the nomination stage, and the general election stage. The type of approach used is qualitative using the case study method. The results of this study indicate that there are considerations taken by the National Awakening Party DPC to determine female members and candidates based on party regulations regarding the recruitment mechanism of members and candidates. Regarding this, the National Awakening Party DPC gave equal freedom to all citizens, both women and men, to become candidates. This is based on 3 indicators of the recruitment pattern of Pippa Norris, namely: first, the certification stage for candidates, the National Awakening Party DPC provides equal opportunities for everyone to run for party according to party regulations. Second, in the nomination stage, women candidates are given knowledge and skills by being obliged to enter the party underbow organization. Third, the election stage where women candidates are carried by parties to compete in legislative elections. Where women are only used as fulfillment of the 30% quota of women's representation in 2019 legislative elections</em></p><p><strong><em>Keywords :</em></strong><em> Recruitment, women, political parties</em></p><p class="SammaryHeader" align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p><em>Partai politik memainkan peran sebagai penghubung yang sangat strategis antara proses-proses pemerintahan dengan warga negara. Setiap partai politik memiliki pola rekrutmen yang berbeda, dimana pola perekrutan anggota partai disesuaikan dengan sistem politik yang dianutnya. Dalam melakukan perekrutan anggota dan Caleg untuk pemilihan legislatif tahun 2019, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa Kabupaten Malang memberikan kesempatan yang sama kepada seluruh warga negara untuk ikut bersaing dalam proses penyeleksian Caleg. Teori yang digunakan adalah rekrutmen dari Pippa Norris yang memakai tiga indikator, yakni: tahap sertifikasi, tahap nominasi, dan tahap pemilihan umum. Jenis pendekatan yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan memakai metode studi kasus Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa adanya pertimbangan yang diambil oleh DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa untuk menetapkan anggota dan Caleg perempuan berdasarkan peraturan partai tentang mekanisme perekrutan anggota dan Caleg. Perihal ini DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa memberikan kebebasan yang sama kepada semua warga Negara baik perempuan maupun laki- laki untuk menjadi Caleg. Ini berdasarkan 3 indikator pola rekrutmen Pippa Norris yaitu: pertama, tahap sertifikasi terhadap Caleg, DPC Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa menyediakan kesempatan yang sama kepada semua orang untuk mencalonkan diri sesuai dengan peraturan partai. Kedua, tahap nominasi, caleg perempuan diberikan pengetahuan dan ketrampilan dengan berkewajiban masuk pada organisasi underbow partai. Ketiga, tahap pemilu dimana caleg perempuan diusung partai untuk bersaing pada pemilihan legsilatif. Dimana perempuan hanya dijadikan sebagai pemenuhan kuota 30% keterwakilan perempuan dalam pileg 2019.</em></p><strong><em>Kata kunci :</em></strong><em> Rekrutmen, perempuan, partai politik</em>


1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 1207-1220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Bueno de Mesquita

Need for achievement and strategic predispositions among political party elites are hypothesized to have an important impact on the success parties enjoy in elections and in coalitions. More specifically, this study develops and tests a model which suggests that parties whose leaders have high need for achievement and are predisposed to pursue a mixed competitive/cooperative strategy are more likely to do well in elections and in coalitions than are parties whose leaders are low in need for achievement and oriented to either cooperative or competitive strategies.When the Indian political party system between 1967 and 1971 is used as the data base, the success or failure of political parties is correctly predicted by need for achievement for thirteen out of fourteen variables. By means of multiple regression analysis, as much as seventy-two per cent of the variance in the electoral success of Indian parties is explained by the model.


2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110184
Author(s):  
Andrew Janusz ◽  
Sofi-Nicole Barreiro ◽  
Erika Cintron

Political parties shape electoral outcomes by determining who stands for election and what campaign resources they have at their disposal. The introduction of gender quotas have led party leaders to nominate more women candidates, however, those women disproportionately lose. We contend that one of the reasons that women routinely lose is because party elites withhold the campaign resources necessary to mount an effective campaign. In this paper, we test this resource gatekeeping argument using data on the provision of campaign resources in Brazil. We analyze the distribution of three different types of party resources: candidate identification numbers, financial support, and television airtime. Our findings show that party elites provide female candidates less advantageous candidate identification numbers, less financial support, and less media access than they provide male candidates. Importantly, we do not find that gender gaps in campaign contributions are attributable to differences in candidate quality. This finding suggests that even when women are recruited to run for office, party elites may still undermine their electoral prospects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Haruo Nakagawa

Akin to the previous, 2014 event, with no data on voter ethnicity, no exit polls, and few post-election analyses, the 2018 Fiji election results remain something of a mystery despite the fact that there had been a significant swing in voting in favour of Opposition political parties. There have been several studies about the election results, but most of them have been done without much quantitative analyses. This study examines voting patterns of Fiji’s 2018 election by provinces, and rural-urban localities, as well as by candidates, and also compares the 2018 and 2014 elections by spending a substantial time classifying officially released data by polling stations and individual candidates. Some of the data are then further aggregated according to the political parties to which those candidates belonged. The current electoral system in Fiji is a version of a proportional system, but its use is rare and this study will provide an interesting case study of the Open List Proportional System. At the end of the analyses, this study considers possible reasons for the swing in favour of the Opposition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mahsun ◽  
Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth ◽  
Solkhah Mufrikhah

This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001041402198975
Author(s):  
Polina Beliakova

Civilian control of the military is a fundamental attribute of democracy. While democracies are less coup-prone, studies treating civilian control as a dependent variable mostly focus on coups. In this paper, I argue that the factors predicting coups in autocracies, weaken civilian control of the military in democracies in different ways. To capture this difference, I advance a new comprehensive framework that includes the erosion of civilian control by competition, insubordination, and deference. I test the argument under conditions of an intrastate conflict—a conducive environment for the erosion of civilian control. A large-N analysis confirms that while intrastate conflict does not lead to coups in democracies, it increases the military’s involvement in government, pointing to alternative forms of erosion taking place. Further case study—Russia’s First Chechen War—demonstrates the causal logic behind the new framework, contributing to the nuanced comparative analysis of civil-military relations across regimes.


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