scholarly journals The moral economy of security

2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Loader ◽  
Benjamin Goold ◽  
Angélica Thumala

In this article we draw upon our recent research into security consumption to answer two questions: first, under what conditions do people experience the buying and selling of security goods and services as morally troubling? Second, what are the theoretical implications of understanding private security as, in certain respects, tainted trade? We begin by drawing on two bodies of work on morality and markets (one found in political theory, the other in cultural sociology) in order to develop what we call a moral economy of security. We then use this theoretical resource to conduct an anatomy of the modes of ambivalence and unease that the trade in security generates. Three categories organize the analysis: blocked exchange; corrosive exchange; and intangible exchange. In conclusion, we briefly spell out the wider significance of our claim that the buying and selling of security is a morally charged and contested practice of governance.

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Rauszer

The king’s two bodies and political nation. Formation of peasants’ identity in the nation-building contextIn the 16th century, the political system based on the grangeserfdom economy and early modern elective monarchy was formed in Poland. One of the consequences of this process was an expulsion of the peasants outside of the society. The other one led to the formation of a political nation (a Pole) defined by his attitude towards king, freedom and noble democracy. Therefore, the peasants had no right to be a part of so understood “Polish” nation. The process of peasants inclusion into the tissue of the nation did not start until the late 19th century. In my article, I examine how the Polish nation developed in the context of the political theory of the king’s two bodies (Ernest Kantorowicz). Furthermore, I analyze the peasants’ attitude to the issue of a nation in the context of social changes of that period. Dwa ciała króla i naród polityczny. Kształtowanie się tożsamości chłopskiej w kontekście procesów narodowotwórczychW XVI wieku w Polsce ukształtował się system polityczny gospodarki opartej na pańszczyźnie oraz nowożytna monarchia elekcyjna. Pierwszy proces doprowadził do wyrzucenia poza margines społeczny warstwy chłopskiej. Drugi do wytworzenia się narodu politycznego (Polaka), definiowanego przez jego stosunek do króla, wolności i szlacheckiej demokracji. Chłopi nie mieli więc prawa być częścią tak rozumianego narodu „polskiego”. Proces włączenia się chłopów w tkankę narodu rozpoczął się tak naprawdę dopiero pod koniec XIX wieku. W swoim tekście badam, jak kształtowało się pojęcie narodu polskiego w kontekście teorii politycznej dwóch ciał króla (Ernest Kantorowicz). Ponadto analizuję stosunek chłopów do kwestii narodowej na tle ogólnych społecznych zmian.


2016 ◽  
Vol 78 (4) ◽  
pp. 609-624
Author(s):  
John D. Cox

AbstractShakespeare's most innovative genre was the history play, because it has no precedent in either classical or medieval tradition. In contrast to the focused teleology of Christian medieval drama, Shakespeare's history plays manifest an implicit idea of history that was secular, political, and open-ended. They emphasize human action in a political arena, where the criterion for success is the ability to act in time, without regard to one's spiritual state. Time determines royal succession, which is the focus of all Shakespeare's history plays, as it was the focus of political concern in England in the 1590s, when the plays were written. His emphasis on time and royal succession distinguishes his implied political theory from the moralism and authoritarianism of official Tudor state doctrine on one hand and from the pragmatism of Machiavelli on the other.


2013 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 132-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nile Green

Afghanistan's 20th century has long been seen through an analytical dichotomy. One concentration of historical scholarship has sought to explain the fraught progress of Afghan nation-building in the 1910s and 1920s. A second has sought to explain the unraveling of the Afghan nation after 1979. Weighted toward the decades at either end of the century, this dichotomized field has been problematic in both chronological (and thereby processual) and methodological terms. On the level of chronology, the missing long mid-section (indeed, half) of the century between the framing coups of 1929 and 1979 has made it difficult to convincingly join together the two bodies of scholarship. Not only has the missing middle further cemented the division of scholarly labor but it also has made it more difficult to connect the history of the last quarter of the century to that of the first quarter (except as a story of parallels), rendering them discrete narratives of development, one ending and the other beginning with a coup. The problems are deeper than this, though, extending from questions of chronology and process to matters of method. For if in its focus on nationalism and nation-building the first-quarter scholarship is framed within the neat boundaries of national spaces and actors, then in its focus on the unraveling of the nation and its peoples through the consequences of Soviet intervention, the last-quarter scholarship elevates nonnational actors as the key agents of historical process.


2006 ◽  
pp. 29-56
Author(s):  
Michal Sládecek

In first chapters of this article MacIntyre?s view of ethics is analyzed, together with his critics of liberalism as philosophical and political theory, as well as dominant ideological conception. In last chapters MacIntyre?s view of the relation between politics and ethics is considered, along with the critical review of his theoretical positions. Macintyre?s conception is regarded on the one hand as very broad, because the entire morality is identified with ethical life, while on the other hand it is regarded as too narrow since it excludes certain essential aspects of deliberation which refers to the sphere of individual rights, the relations between communities, as well as distribution of goods within the state.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 264-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Hidalgo

In theory, the idea of democracy consists of several insoluble contradictions, aporias, and conflicts. In practice, democracy demands an effective balancing of its essentially opposing principles and values in order to preserve an authentic character as well as to avoid its inherent self-destructive tendencies. In this regard, the concept of value trade-offs promises a heuristic tool to grasp both the analytical and normative impact of a political theory which takes the complexity of democracy seriously. Proceeding from this, the contribution will demonstrate to what extent the conceptualisation of democratic antinomies and the notion of value trade-offs can be seen as a kind of communicating vessel. The article’s general argument is that democracy is defined by several antinomies that are irreducible in theory and therefore require trade-offs in political practice. Moreover, it will discuss three relevant issue areas to suggest the approach’s empirical relevance and to prove the existence of value trade-offs as an operating benchmark for the legitimacy and consolidation of democratic processes on the one hand but also for their shortcomings and risks on the other. Correspondingly, the article concerns the antinomic relationships between freedom and security, economic growth and sustainability, and finally, democracy and populism to underpin the general perception that the success of democratic institutions first and foremost depends on the balance of the necessarily conflicting principles of democracy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 362-384
Author(s):  
Margaret Levi

A trustworthy government is one that keeps its promises (or has exceptionally good reasons why it fails to), is relatively fair in its decision-making and enforcement processes, and delivers goods and services. A legitimate government is one that appeals to widely accepted justifications for its selection, maintenance, and policies. Investigations across history and countries reveal that the more trustworthy the government, the more likely it is to evoke observation of its laws and acquiescence to policies. Less clear is the link between perceptions that government is trustworthy and beliefs that it is legitimate, at least in countries claiming or trying to be democratic. Being trustworthy in practices and outcomes may contribute to perceptions of government legitimacy. However, trustworthiness is, at best, a necessary but not sufficient condition for legitimating beliefs. This chapter explores the relationship between the trustworthiness of government and its legitimacy by considering cases from both advanced democracies and state-building efforts. It argues that current democracies may need to refashion their moral economies—the extra-market reciprocal rights and obligations that link populations, governments, corporations, and all the other various organizations that make up the society—if they are to reestablish strong grounds for legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Amy J. Binder ◽  
Kate Wood

This chapter examines in more abstract terms how universities, in combination with the broader political culture, cultivate distinctive styles of conservatism among students. It reviews research in the fields of higher education studies, cultural sociology, political theory, and organization studies to capture some of the more general processes observed at Eastern Elite University and Western Flagship University. In particular, it considers how social and cultural capital gives rise to the particular dominant conservative styles of civilized discourse at Eastern Elite, provocation in the Western Public university system, and the submerged styles seen at these different campuses. The chapter concludes by arguing that the model developed for studying student conservatism on both campuses is general enough to be useful to scholars studying other aspects of students' lives other than politics.


Author(s):  
Marta Massi ◽  
Chiara Piancatelli ◽  
Sonia Pancheri

Albeit often perceived as two worlds apart, low culture and high culture are increasingly converging to collaborate in mutually advantageous ways. Brands—including the name, term, sign, symbol, or combination of them that identify the goods and services of a seller or group of sellers, and differentiate them from those of the competitors—are the new territory where high culture and low culture co-exist and collaborate, creating new possibilities of cross-fertilization and hybridization between the two. Through the analysis of successful examples coming from different industries, this chapter aims to highlight how brands have blurred the distinction between low culture and high culture. On the one hand, brands can use the heritage of the arts world to gain authenticity and legitimate themselves in the eyes of consumers and the society. On the other hand, artists and arts organizations, such as museums and other art institutions, can indulge in popular culture in order to become appealing to younger target markets and enhance their brand awareness and image.


1996 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Schöffski

AbstractThe German retail pharmacy trade is one of the most highly regulated within the German economy. For example, retail prices and the profit margins of pharmacies are fixed by law. Only pharmacists are allowed to own retail pharmacies, and each pharmacist may own only one retail pharmacy (i.e. there are no chain pharmacies in Germany). Retail pharmacies are only allowed to sell certain goods and services, whilst on the other hand only pharmacies are authorized to sell drugs (with some exceptions). This means that more than 90 per sent of their turnover is protected from the general retailing companies. There are many reasons for this extensive regulation: to guarantee the provision of drugs for the population, to reduce the abuse of medication and to protect the consumer against excessive drug prices, amongst others. However, these reasons need to be examined closely. The extent of regulation has grown over the last 750 years, and it is highly probable that these regulations no longer reflect the requirements of a modern health care system. Therefore, current regulations for retail pharmacies in Germany are being analysed and a proposal for far-reaching deregulation is to be presented. The implementation of these deregulation measures would lead to the more efficient provision of drugs.


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