Gandhi and the Nagas

2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-174
Author(s):  
G. Kanato Chophy

Commemorating the 150th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, this article explores his influence among the ethnic Nagas. The Nagas scarcely crossed paths with Gandhi owing to their peculiar location in Indian history and society. But when some Naga leaders did meet Gandhi, they were on a mission themselves for self-determination—a political movement that metamorphosed into an armed struggle in the post-independence period. Did Gandhi make any impact in the modern Naga society? Chronicling the lives of some of the key leaders in the Naga political movement, this article attempts to understand their political activism and ideological stance in light of Gandhi’s philosophy and teachings.

Author(s):  
Adam Ewing

This chapter shows how, during a period of limited political opportunities, in which African American activism was fraught with danger, Garveyites had built a massive political movement committed to modest aims at home, but premised on the notion that members were involved, in the words of a Garveyite from Tennessee, in a “world movement…which is now felt throbbing in every corner of the globe.” Here, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) takes center stage, Garveyites continued to nurture alliances across the African diaspora and throughout the “colored” world, and they continued to imagine their often mundane local politics against the backdrop of world anticolonialism. By framing their political aims internationally, and by projecting their radical demands for African liberation forward into an undefined future, Garveyites sustained vibrant local communities of political activism amidst the decline of the national UNIA and the constraints of Jim Crow America.


Author(s):  
Máire ní Fhlathúin

This chapter focuses on representations of Indian agency derived from British scholarship on Indian history and mythology, with particular reference to James Tod’s Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan. It argues that the narrative richness of Rajasthan and its colourful vision of India’s past contributed to its impact on British readers and writers, while the work also created a narrative space where Indian self-determination could be imagined with less concern for its impact on the contemporary colonial project. The chapter also discusses successive British versions of the story of the Rajput princess Kishen Kower, which becomes an exemplary vehicle for tracing the changing representation of female agency in the literature of British India, and exploring its interactions with British ideas of gender norms and femininity.


2018 ◽  
pp. 101-113

This chapter deals with Sahajanand’s life after the Bhumihar Brahmin Mahasabha held at Balia. He had been touched by the behaviour of Bhumihars vis-a-vis Maithil, Kanyakubja and Sarjupari Brahmins. He decided to prove that Bhumihars are as good as any other Brahmins. To that end, he along with some of his sannyasi friends launched massive field studies and proved that Bhumihars have matrimonial relations with all others Brahmins, and at certain places they were also engaged in Purohiti work. He settled down at a village called Kotwa Narayanpur in eastern Uttar Pradesh. Once again a new chapter of his life began as he started reading both Hindi and English newspapers published from Patna. Thus slowly but surely, he was drawn to the political movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi.


Ethnologies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  
Saeedeh Niktab Etaati

This paper is an ethnographic study of digital culture and Iranian online political humor: a hybridized genre of folklore which converges in both online and oral spheres where it is created and shared. It specifically explores the emergence and growth of politicized humorous cellphonelore, which I term “electionlore”, during and after the 2016 February elections in Iran. Analysing different joke sub-cycles in this electionlore, I argue that they serve as a powerful tool for my informants to construct their own “newslore” (Frank 2011) and make manifest what I define as “vernacular politics” through which they become mobilized and unified in their political activism. I diverge from the theory of “resistance jokes” (Powell and Paton 1988; Bryant 2006; Davies 2011) and propose a new framework for studying political jokes in countries suspended between democracy and dictatorship, demonstrating how jokes serve as an effective and strategic form of reform and unquiet protest.


2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (41) ◽  
Author(s):  
Raquel Varela ◽  
Roberto Della Santa Barros

Com muita frequência é possível encontrar análises sobre a história europeia do séc. XX que não passam de justificações ideológicas do tempo presente, seja a partir de pressupostos a orbitar Washington ou premissas irradiadas desde Moscou, isso para não mencionar as teses pós-modernas ou neoconservadoras. Argumentamos nesse artigo que, para retomar a iniciativa e a luta pela autodeterminação dos trabalhadores e povos europeus, é preciso, também, uma nova escrita da história europeia recente. Nada disso é possível sem levar em conta a tradição intelectual e o movimento político que tem lugar a partir do legado de Karl Marx.Palavras-chave: Marx; Europa; história social; autodeterminação. Abstract −It is often possible to find analyses of 20th-century European history that are no more than ideological justifications of the present, whether asserting assumptions from Washington or premises from Moscow, not to mention postmodern or neoconservative theses. We argue in this article that in order to resume the initiative and struggle for the self-determination of European workers and peoples, a new writing of recent European history is also required. None of this is possible without taking into account the intellectual tradition and the political movement that emerged from the legacy of Karl Marx.Keywords: Marx; Europe; social history; self-determination.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-104
Author(s):  
Emre Turkut

Since the collapse of the peace process in 2015, the Turkish Government has sought to turn every move towards Kurdish rights into an existential threat – a process led to the re-securitization of the Kurdish question. Ever since the descent of Turkey into an authoritarian polity has begun in the aftermath of the June 2015 elections, the Kurdish minority has suffered a brutal crackdown marked by high of political imprisonment and greater restrictions on freedom of assembly and association and on electoral aspects of self-determination. This commentary will take a closer look at the dire consequences of the collateral impact of Turkey’s authoritarian turn on the Kurdish political movement from the perspectives of minority rights and self-determination.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-50
Author(s):  
Sarbani Sharma

While much has been said about the historicity of the Kashmir conflict or about how individuals and communities have resisted occupation and demanded the right to self-determination, much less has been said about nature of everyday life under these conditions. This article offers a glimpse of life in the working-class neighbourhood of Maisuma, located in the central area of the city of Srinagar, and its engagement with the political movement for azadi (freedom). I argue that the predicament of ‘double interminability’ characterises life in Maisuma—the interminable violence by the state on the one hand and simultaneously the constant call of labouring for azadi by the movement on the other, since the terms of peace are unacceptable.


Author(s):  
Swanee Hunt ◽  
Alice Wairimu Nderitu

Over two decades, diverse actors have been fashioning a collective response to the disproportionate impact of modern war on women. Motivating factors have included an emerging recognition of the need for human security and growing awareness that military force is insufficient. Where women are concerned, the WPS agenda has become a key mechanism in the pursuit of inclusive policies. For example, survivors of 1990s genocide have campaigned for UN action to ensure women’s full participation in security decisions by employing the principles of WPS in their advocacy. Moreover, the experiences of women in conflict, coupled with their exclusion from formal processes, have inspired a groundswell of political activism among women. This chapter examines the key milestones and motivators of this movement. In doing so, it demonstrates that as international policymakers engaged, a broader range of champions accelerated the movement. We suggest that despite challenges, the political movement associated with WPS has facilitated the creation of tools, including national action plans and UN Security Council Resolution 1325, that acknowledge the positive contributions of women’s meaningful inclusion.


1994 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 903-925 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen-hsin Yeh

The May Fourth Movement of 1919 occupies a special position in scholars’ consideration of modern China as a result of the convergence of two sets of historical constructions. In China, according to official textbooks explaining the rise of the People's Republic that were first promulgated by the new socialist state in the 1950s, 1919 was identified as the very moment of origin when cultural iconoclasm was joined to a political activism of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle: the watershed affecting the flow of all subsequent revolutionary history. In the West, as presented in Chow Tse-tsung's highly influential 1964 volume, May Fourth was singled out as the time of patriotic awakening reached as a result of intellectual exposure to such Western liberal values as science, democracy, liberty and individualism. The May Fourth Movement has since been characterized variously as a response to Western liberal influence; as a product of education abroad in Japan, Europe or America; as an awakening to the call of international Bolshevism; and as an evaluative rejection of traditional Confucianism as the primary source of authority. Whether liberal or revolutionary, these intellectual developments were then seen as the inspiration for a unified national political movement that spread outward from Beijing and Shanghai into the provinces.


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