Political Movement and Electionlore

Ethnologies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-160
Author(s):  
Saeedeh Niktab Etaati

This paper is an ethnographic study of digital culture and Iranian online political humor: a hybridized genre of folklore which converges in both online and oral spheres where it is created and shared. It specifically explores the emergence and growth of politicized humorous cellphonelore, which I term “electionlore”, during and after the 2016 February elections in Iran. Analysing different joke sub-cycles in this electionlore, I argue that they serve as a powerful tool for my informants to construct their own “newslore” (Frank 2011) and make manifest what I define as “vernacular politics” through which they become mobilized and unified in their political activism. I diverge from the theory of “resistance jokes” (Powell and Paton 1988; Bryant 2006; Davies 2011) and propose a new framework for studying political jokes in countries suspended between democracy and dictatorship, demonstrating how jokes serve as an effective and strategic form of reform and unquiet protest.

Meridians ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (S1) ◽  
pp. 340-362
Author(s):  
Kimala Price

Abstract Frustrated by the individualist approach of the “choice” paradigm used by the mainstream reproductive rights movement in the United States, a growing coalition of women of color organizations and their allies have sought to redefine and broaden the scope of reproductive rights by using a human rights framework. Dubbing itself “the movement for reproductive justice,” this coalition connects reproductive rights to other social justice issues such as economic justice, education, immigrant rights, environmental justice, sexual rights, and globalization, and believes that this new framework will encourage more women of color and other marginalized groups to become more involved in the political movement for reproductive freedom. Using narrative analysis, this essay explores what reproductive justice means to this movement, while placing it within the political, social, and cultural context from which it emerged.


Author(s):  
Adam Ewing

This chapter shows how, during a period of limited political opportunities, in which African American activism was fraught with danger, Garveyites had built a massive political movement committed to modest aims at home, but premised on the notion that members were involved, in the words of a Garveyite from Tennessee, in a “world movement…which is now felt throbbing in every corner of the globe.” Here, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) takes center stage, Garveyites continued to nurture alliances across the African diaspora and throughout the “colored” world, and they continued to imagine their often mundane local politics against the backdrop of world anticolonialism. By framing their political aims internationally, and by projecting their radical demands for African liberation forward into an undefined future, Garveyites sustained vibrant local communities of political activism amidst the decline of the national UNIA and the constraints of Jim Crow America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-174
Author(s):  
G. Kanato Chophy

Commemorating the 150th birth anniversary of Mahatma Gandhi, this article explores his influence among the ethnic Nagas. The Nagas scarcely crossed paths with Gandhi owing to their peculiar location in Indian history and society. But when some Naga leaders did meet Gandhi, they were on a mission themselves for self-determination—a political movement that metamorphosed into an armed struggle in the post-independence period. Did Gandhi make any impact in the modern Naga society? Chronicling the lives of some of the key leaders in the Naga political movement, this article attempts to understand their political activism and ideological stance in light of Gandhi’s philosophy and teachings.


Cultura ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 73-95
Author(s):  
Jingdong YU

Abstract There are two frequent misunderstandings in the scholarship on modern China’s territorial transformation. First, the concept of lingtu (“territory”) is often seen as only developing after the 1911 Revolution, in opposition to the earlier concept of jiangyu diguo (“imperial frontier”). Second, jiangyu and lingtu are often confused and seen as basically the same concept at different historical stages. This essay takes the translation and dissemination of “territory” before the 1911 Revolution as a starting point to examine how the basic concept of lingtu developed from a translated term to describe spatial relations into an important semantic resource of a political movement. On one hand, in the negotiations leading to the Treaty of Nerchinsk and in the modern treaty system, the translation of “territory” formed a new conceptual space, centred on lingtu, which differed from the idea of the (imperial) “frontier” (jiangyu). The turn from jiangyu to lingtu was not a complete one; rather, part of the old concept was integrated into the new framework. On the other hand, the concept of lingtu also provided a semantic battlefield, and the battle was already opened before the revolution: the earlier ideas, diplomatic relations and national narrative already formed the basic concepts dominating discourses after the revolution.


Author(s):  
Swanee Hunt ◽  
Alice Wairimu Nderitu

Over two decades, diverse actors have been fashioning a collective response to the disproportionate impact of modern war on women. Motivating factors have included an emerging recognition of the need for human security and growing awareness that military force is insufficient. Where women are concerned, the WPS agenda has become a key mechanism in the pursuit of inclusive policies. For example, survivors of 1990s genocide have campaigned for UN action to ensure women’s full participation in security decisions by employing the principles of WPS in their advocacy. Moreover, the experiences of women in conflict, coupled with their exclusion from formal processes, have inspired a groundswell of political activism among women. This chapter examines the key milestones and motivators of this movement. In doing so, it demonstrates that as international policymakers engaged, a broader range of champions accelerated the movement. We suggest that despite challenges, the political movement associated with WPS has facilitated the creation of tools, including national action plans and UN Security Council Resolution 1325, that acknowledge the positive contributions of women’s meaningful inclusion.


1994 ◽  
Vol 140 ◽  
pp. 903-925 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wen-hsin Yeh

The May Fourth Movement of 1919 occupies a special position in scholars’ consideration of modern China as a result of the convergence of two sets of historical constructions. In China, according to official textbooks explaining the rise of the People's Republic that were first promulgated by the new socialist state in the 1950s, 1919 was identified as the very moment of origin when cultural iconoclasm was joined to a political activism of the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal struggle: the watershed affecting the flow of all subsequent revolutionary history. In the West, as presented in Chow Tse-tsung's highly influential 1964 volume, May Fourth was singled out as the time of patriotic awakening reached as a result of intellectual exposure to such Western liberal values as science, democracy, liberty and individualism. The May Fourth Movement has since been characterized variously as a response to Western liberal influence; as a product of education abroad in Japan, Europe or America; as an awakening to the call of international Bolshevism; and as an evaluative rejection of traditional Confucianism as the primary source of authority. Whether liberal or revolutionary, these intellectual developments were then seen as the inspiration for a unified national political movement that spread outward from Beijing and Shanghai into the provinces.


2016 ◽  
pp. 305-311
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Krzywiec

Review of a book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Culture and civilization in the thought of National Democratic Party (1893–1918). Between the educational idea and politics, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, pp. 377.The book by Katarzyna Wrzesińska, a historian of ideas and Polish political thought of the 19th and 20th centuries, a researcher of the Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences, has an ambitious aim to deal with cultural politics of National Democracy, the largest political movement in the history of Polish lands, at the fin-de-siècle. The further themes are, among others, definitions of nation and folk in the nationalist framework, the role and place of educational ideas in a wider scope of the nationalist project, an influence of nationalist ideas on the Polish intelligentsia.Interestingly, Wrzesińska does not correspond with current social sciences debates about definitions and understandings of nationalisms in literature, but tries to step outside them altogether. Undoubtedly, such a new framework would have helped us move forward in studies on Polish nationalism. Paradoxically though, while the book analyzing a wide array of published primary documents, it offers, in the end, a well-known and conventional story on ‘young idealist’ debouched whether by mass-politics or by masses as such. The rhetoric of nationalism is quite evident but not equally obvious from Wrzesińska’s presentation are the ways in which people appropriated that vocabulary and those ideas for their own ends. The author gives then another casual tale on an innocent but cultural nation and, first and foremost, its elites beset by brutal and uncivilized enemies. Epistemological naiveté, surplus of not analyzed details and quotations, and, last but not least, rather surprisingly narrow catalogue of questions does not address how and why the Polish integral nationalists differed from other national strains of this time.All in all, unfortunately, the book does not help to capture the complexity of National Democracy in the Polish history of the period under discussion. Not only it does not substantially extend our knowledge on the subject, but as well obscures and blocks serious questions about this political movement and its toxic legacy.Recenzja: Katarzyna Wrzesińska, Kultura i cywilizacja w myśli Narodowej Demokracji (1893–1918). Między ideą wychowania a polityką, Warszawa: Instytut Slawistyki PAN, Fundacja Slawistyczna 2012, ss. 377.Książka Katarzyny Wrzesińskiej, historyczki idei oraz polskiej myśli politycznej w XIX i XX wieku, związanej z Instytutem Slawistyki PAN, stawia sobie ambitny cel: omówienie polityki kulturowej Narodowej Demokracji, największego ruchu politycznego na ziemiach polskich przełomu XIX i XX stulecia. Książka porusza kwestię definicji „narodu” i „ludu” w nacjonalistycznej ramie pojęciowej, roli pomysłów edukacyjnych w szerszym spektrum projektu nacjonalistycznego oraz wpływu nacjonalistycznych idei na polską inteligencję.K. Wrzesińska nie odnosi się do obecnie toczącej się w naukach społecznych debaty dotyczącej definicji i rozumienia nacjonalizmu w literaturze, decyduje się zupełnie pominąć tę dyskusję. Bez wątpienia nowa rama teoretyczna pozwoliłaby rozwinąć studia nad polskim nacjonalizmem. Paradoksalnie jednak, chociaż autorka analizuje szeroki zestaw publikowanych już, podstawowych dokumentów, na koniec oferuje dobrze znaną i konwencjonalną opowieść o „młodych idealistach”, z czasem uformowanych przez masową politykę lub przez masy jako takie. Retoryka nacjonalizmu jest sama w sobie wystarczająco zrozumiała, jednak w obrazie stworzonym przez Wrzesińską nie jest oczywiste, w jaki sposób nacjonalistyczne słownictwo i idee zostały powszechnie przejęte i wykorzystane. Autorka tworzy za to kolejną wymijającą opowieść o niewinnej i kulturalnej nacji oraz – przede wszystkim – o jej elicie, napastowanej przez brutalnych i niecywilizowanych przeciwników. Epistemologiczna naiwność, nadmiar niezanalizowanych cytatów oraz wąski zestaw pytań badawczych nie pozwalają w pełni przedstawić przyczyn i sposobu, w jaki polski integralny nacjonalizm różnił się od innych nacjonalistycznych nurtów epoki.Niestety książka nie pomaga zrozumieć złożoności sytuacji Narodowej Demokracji w polskiej historii omawianego okresu. Nie tylko w niewystarczający sposób poszerza naszą wiedzę, lecz również blokuje poważne pytania na temat tego ruchu i jego toksycznej spuścizny.


2012 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 391
Author(s):  
Sumanto Al Qurtuby

<p>This article discusses the role of catholics, muslims, and civic associations in the global politics of the Philippines and Indonesia. The two countries have shared in common with regard to the geographical feature (both are archipelagic countries), the diversity of societies and cultures, and the history of colonialism, dictatorship, ethno-religious violence, and political movement, to name but a few. In addition to their similarities, both countries also have significant differences in particular pertaining to religious dominance (the Philippines dominated by Catholicism, while Indonesia by Islam) and the structure of their societies: while the Philippines is a class-stratified society, Indonesia has long been ideologized by colonial and post-colonial religious and political powers. Apart from their parallels and distinctions, religion --both Catholicism and Islam-- has marvellous role, negatively or positively, in global politics and public cultures, indicating its vigor and survival in global political domains. This comparative paper, more specifically, examines the historical dynamics of the interplay between religion, civil society, and political activism by using the Philippines and Indonesia as a case study and point of analysis.</p><p>[Artikel ini mendiskusikan peran Katolik, Muslim dan asosiasi warga dalam politik global di dua negara; Indonesia dan Filipina. Kedua negara tersebut memiliki kesamaan, baik dalam hal ciri geografis sebagai negara kepulauan, keragaman masyarakat dan budayanya, sejarah kolonialisme, pemerintahan diktator, kekerasan etnik-agama, serta gerakan keagamaan. Terlepas dari kesamaan tersebut, keduanya memiliki perbedaan, utamanya menyangkut agama dominan (di Filipina didominasi oleh Katolik, sementara di Indonesia oleh Islam) dan struktur masyarakatnya (Filipina ditandai dengan stratifikasi masyarakat berdasarkan klas sosial, sementara di Indonesia ditandai dengan ideologi agama kolonial, paska-kolonial, politik). Terlepas dari kesamaan dan perbedaan antara keduanya, agama -baik Katolik maupun Islam- memainkan peran penting, baik negatif maupun positif, dalam politik global dan budaya publik. Ini menandai kuatnya peran agama di kedua negara itu. Artikel ini menggunakan analisis perbandingan, utamanya terhadap dinamika sejarah hubungan antara agama, masyarakat sipil, dan aktifisme politik.]</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-47
Author(s):  
Adam Bajan

This article examines how the liturgy in evangelical churches is influenced by digital media and digital culture. This was accomplished via an ethnographic study at a medium sized church in East Central Texas where participant observation was combined with qualitative interviews with four members of the church’s pastoral and media production team. Theorizing that decisions made about orchestrated liturgical design in churches of this type are strategic responses to social and technological developments rooted in the mediatization of society, the study revealed three key interconnected themes of significance. These are: media as intentionality, media as environment, and media as audience. A critical discourse analysis of these themes demonstrates that the unique liturgical approach in churches of this type is the result of an intentional, strategic orchestration of entertainment media and media techniques rooted in the mediatization of religion and the amplification of select elements of media logic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


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