scholarly journals Employment Discrimination Charge Rates: Variation and Sources

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110643
Author(s):  
Donald Tomaskovic-Devey ◽  
Carly McCann

The authors document variation in charge rates by demographic basis, observe basis and spatial variation in charge rates, and examine potential sources of this variation. The authors find that discrimination charge rates are much higher for the disabled and African Americans than for women, people older than 40 years, Hispanics, Asians, immigrants, and men, and there is dramatic state-level variation in charge rates. Possible explanations for this variation include access to legal representation, post-complaint employer retaliation, job loss, rights consciousness, and variations in charge outcomes. Findings point toward regulatory outcomes mandating changes in employer behavior as the only robust antecedent to discrimination charge filing. Unfortunately remedies targeting employer behavior are rare, while employer retaliation and firing are common. Neither access to law nor the frequency of monetary damages are associated with charge filing. Rights consciousness is associated with more discrimination charge filings, but only on the bases of disability.

Author(s):  
Katherine Carté Engel

The very term ‘Dissenter’ became problematic in the United States, following the passing of the First Amendment. The formal separation of Church and state embodied in the First Amendment was followed by the ending of state-level tax support for churches. None of the states established after 1792 had formal religious establishments. Baptists, Congregationalists, Presbyterians, and Methodists accounted for the majority of the American population both at the beginning and end of this period, but this simple fact masks an important compositional shift. While the denominations of Old Dissent declined relatively, Methodism grew quickly, representing a third of the population by 1850. Dissenters thus faced several different challenges. Primary among these were how to understand the idea of ‘denomination’ and also the more general role of institutional religion in a post-establishment society. Concerns about missions, and the positions of women and African Americans are best understood within this context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-43
Author(s):  
Tatyana Yu. Vladimirova ◽  
Aleksandr V. Kurenkov ◽  
Lyubov V. Aizenshtadt ◽  
Kristina R. Galieva

Objectives - to analyse the complex solutions for rehabilitation of sensorineural hearing loss in adults and elderly people. Material and methods. We reviewed 27 articles on the problem, published in the recent 5 years, presented in the international databases PubMed, Scopus and E-library. Conclusion. The rehabilitation procedure for chronic SNHL is quite clearly regulated and defined at the state level only for the person with hearing disabilities. While determining the needs of the disabled person in rehabilitation, the recommended rehabilitation approaches are described. However, in the normative documents, there is no clearly defined rehabilitation algorithm, taking into account the patient's individual characteristics. A high index of multimorbidity in adults with SNHL, including anxiety-depressive disorders and cognitive deficit, determines the need for inclusion of the auditory training in the rehabilitation process. The use of various options for auditory training along with electro-acoustic correction of hearing or cochlear implantation is an essential component of an individual rehabilitation program.


Author(s):  
Connor Sheehan ◽  
Anna Zajacova ◽  
Dylan Connor ◽  
Jennifer Karas Montez

2019 ◽  
Vol 212 (6) ◽  
pp. 1385-1392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Divya Kishore ◽  
Michal Horný ◽  
Andrew B. Rosenkrantz ◽  
Jennifer Hemingway ◽  
Danny R. Hughes ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-66
Author(s):  
Nathan Mann ◽  
Ann Malarcher ◽  
Lei Zhang ◽  
Asma Shaikh ◽  
Jesse Thompson ◽  
...  

AbstractIntroductionThe duration of incoming quitline calls may serve as a crude proxy for the potential amount of reactive counseling provided.AimsTo explore whether call duration may be useful for monitoring quitline capacity and service delivery.MethodsUsing data on the duration of incoming quitline calls to 1-800-QUIT-NOW from 2012 through 2015, we examined national trends and state-level variation in average call duration. We estimated a regression model of average call duration as a function of total incoming calls, nationally and by state, controlling for confounders.ResultsFrom 2012 through 2015, average call duration was 11.4 min, nationally, and was 10 min or longer in 33 states. Average call duration was significantly correlated with quitline service provider. Higher incoming call volume was significantly associated with lower average call duration in 32 states and higher average call duration in five states (P-value <0.05). The relationship between call volume and call duration was not correlated with quitline service provider.ConclusionsVariation in average call duration across states likely reflects different service delivery models. Average call duration was associated with call volume in many states. Significant changes in call duration may highlight potential quitline capacity issues that warrant further investigation.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. e0240648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Easton R. White ◽  
Laurent Hébert-Dufresne

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. e186567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander J. Butwick ◽  
Jason Bentley ◽  
Cynthia A. Wong ◽  
Jonathan M. Snowden ◽  
Eric Sun ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 230-246
Author(s):  
Amund R. Tallaksen

This article details the origin and passage of the Boggs Act of 1951, as well as a similar drug law passed at the state level in Louisiana. Both laws featured strict mandatory minimum sentences for drug crimes, which led to a demographic transformation of New Orleans’ heroin markets in the early 1950s: As New Orleans’ Italian-American Mafiosi retreated from the lower echelons of the heroin economy, entrepreneurial African Americans took their place. In turn, many black leaders came to support both stricter drug laws and increased police focus on crime in black neighborhoods. This demand was rooted in African Americans’ frustration with the New Orleans Police Department and its Jim Crow practice of ignoring intra-racial black crime. It also became important for black leaders to distance themselves from the “criminal element”—an otherwise potent political symbol for white segregationists.


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