Ambedkar’s Journey of Conversion to Buddhism

2019 ◽  
pp. 2455328X1882595
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Views ◽  
Religious Conversions ◽  
Hindu Religion ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

The history of religious conversions has highlighted two aspects. One is the transformation in one’s spiritual and transcendental realm and the other is the social and the political domain that encompasses a sense of rejection of existing religious and philosophical world views as well as assertion of one’s political outlook. In this context, this article explores the contours of one of the most important political thinkers of modern India, that is, B. R. Ambedkar who embraced Buddhism after 40 years of his experiment with the Hindu religion. This article is divided into two parts; the first deals with Ambedkar’s engagement with Hinduism with a hope of reforming the same but having failed in his attempt for 20 years, he declared to leave the religion in 1936. The second part deals with Ambedkar’s both explicit and implicit deliberations for selecting the right noble faith, that is, Buddhism whose foundation was egalitarianism, based on equality and compassion. He used Deweyian experimentalism and Buddhist rationalism, to reject Hinduism and seek refuge in the reformed Buddhism, that is, Navayana Buddhism.

Ambedkar’s Journey of Conversion to Buddhism

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Sanjeev Kumar
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World Views ◽  
Religious Conversions ◽  
Hindu Religion ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

The history of religious conversions has highlighted two aspects. One is the transformation in one’s spiritual and transcendental realm and the other is the social and the political domain that encompasses a sense of rejection of existing religious and philosophical world views as well as assertion of one’s political outlook. In this context, this article explores the contours of one of the most important political thinkers of modern India, that is, B. R. Ambedkar who embraced Buddhism after 40 years of his experiment with the Hindu religion. This article is divided into two parts; the first deals with Ambedkar’s engagement with Hinduism with a hope of reforming the same but having failed in his attempt for 20 years, he declared to leave the religion in 1936. The second part deals with Ambedkar’s both explicit and implicit deliberations for selecting the right noble faith, that is, Buddhism whose foundation was egalitarianism, based on equality and compassion. He used Deweyian experimentalism and Buddhist rationalism, to reject Hinduism and seek refuge in the reformed Buddhism, that is, Navayana Buddhism.

History in Art

Antiquity ◽  
1931 ◽  
Vol 5 (19) ◽  
pp. 277-290
Author(s):  
Flinders Petrie
Keyword(s):  
Applied Sciences ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
History Of Knowledge ◽  
Moral Standards ◽  
The Social ◽  
Different Ages ◽  
History Of

When we look at the great diversity of man’s activities and interests, it is evident how much space they afford for reviewing his history in many different ways. To most of our historians the view of the political power and course of legislation has seemed all that need be noticed; others have dealt with history in religion, or the growth of mind in changes of moral standards, as in Lecky’s fine work. In recent years the history of knowledge in medicine, in the applied sciences, and in abstract mathematics, has been profitably studied, as affording the basis of civilization. The purely mental view is shown in the social life and customs of each age, and expressed in the growth of Art. This last expression of man’s spirit has great advantages in its presentation; the material from different ages is of a comparable nature, and it is easily placed together to contrast its differences. Moreover it covers a wider range of time than we can et observe in man’s scope, but it is as essential to his nature as any of the other aspects that we have named.

scholarly journals Profetismo e resistência: crítica à cidade injusta a partir do olhar de um camponês (Mq 3, 9-12) | Prophetism and resistance: criticism of the unjust city from the perspective of a peasant (Mic 3, 9-12)

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-149
Author(s):  
Gilda Silva ◽  
Luiz Alexandre Solano Rossi
Keyword(s):  
Historical Context ◽  
Land Ownership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Human Relationship ◽  
People Of God ◽  
The Earth ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Este estudo aborda o profetismo bíblico em Miqueias (Mq 3,9-12). Em uma terra devastada, em que não há mais profetas, justifica-se o resgate do profetismo como missão em denunciar a injustiça e anunciar o direito, mais especificamente em relação aos vulneráveis. O objetivo deste estudo é compreender os atos proféticos de Miqueias, apropriando-se deles como chave de leitura para a atualidade, à luz da História da Salvação, conceituando-se resistência como resgate da relação humana com a terra, enquanto vínculo sagrado com a Promessa de Deus a seu Povo. Este intento será conseguido mediante revisão bibliográfica e aproximação bíblico-teológica, buscando-se a reflexão e a entrega do significado do texto conforme o contexto histórico vivido com as lideranças político-religiosas em Miqueias (Mq 3,9-12). Ao investigar a ruptura da Aliança, a perda da posse da terra e a perda do vínculo como nação em Israel, vividas pelos camponeses contemporâneos a Miqueias, procura-se delimitar a responsabilidade pela relativização do direito à terra, como aliança sagrada e consequente perda da condição de identidade como Povo de Deus. Resultados: O estudo demonstrou a função social do profeta como decodificador do momento histórico, atemporal, levado pela força da indignação, da qual procede sua resistência, não solitária, mas, solidária, amparada no sonho coletivo e comunitário, organizado e possível. Considerações Finais: A pesquisa ampliou a compreensão bíblica e teológica da necessidade do resgate da dignidade humana em periferias urbanas, construindo a cidade justa, fundada na agroecologia urbana e na bem-aventurança da simplicidade. This study speaks about the theme of biblical prophetism in Micah (Mic 3,9-12). In a devastated land, where there are no more prophets, the rescue of prophetism as a mission to denounce injustice and announce the right, more specifically in relation to the vulnerable, is justified. The objective of this study is to understand the prophetic acts of Micah, appropriating them as a key for reading today, in the light of the History of Salvation, conceptualizing resistance as a rescue of the human relationship with the earth, as a sacred connection with the Promise of God to his People. This intent will be achieved through a bibliographic review and a biblical-theological approach, seeking to reflect and rescue the meaning of the text according to the historical context experienced with the political-religious leaders in Micah (Mic 3,9-12). In investigating the rupture of the Alliance, loss of land ownership, loss of the bond as a nation in Israel, experienced by contemporary peasants to Micah, it seeks to delimit the responsibility for the relativization of the right to land as a sacred alliance, and consequent loss of the condition of identity as People of God. Results: The study seeks to demonstrate the social function of the prophet as a decoder of the historical, timeless moment, driven by the force of indignation, from which comes his resistance, not solitary, but, solidary, supported by the collective and community dream, organized and possible. Final Considerations: The research intends to base biblically and theologically the rescue of human dignity in urban peripheries, building the just city, founded on urban agroecology and the bliss of simplicity.

scholarly journals International Methodological Basics of Electoral Law (From Antiquity to Modern Times: Philosophy-Legal Dimension)

wisdom ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-113
Author(s):  
Armen HARUTYUNYAN
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Governance ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Almost All ◽  
Electoral Law

The contemporary democratic states consider the concept of political rights, especially the right to vote as a fundamental pillar above all other rights. The political rights are dominant only due to their implementation: people have an opportunity to exercise their power on the one hand, and transfer their power without any political upheavals on the other. In this regard, it is worth highlighting that the political rights are one of the corner-stone rights for modern democratic rule of law. According to this thesis, we can persist that the problems of the realization of political rights are decisive and highly important even for the declared and transitional democratic states. In this respect, the Republic of Armenia is no exception as the problems of the implementation of political rights are definitely the electoral rights. These rights are among the most acute social problems that young Armenian democracy has faced after the independence. The issues in implementation of the political rights are steadily coupled with the problems of imposing punishments for crimes directed against political rights. As the experience of the Republic of Armenia has shown, the number of crimes directed against political rights has increased over the years. The tendency of the growth of the above-mentioned crimes has objective and subjective reasons. Among the objective reasons, we can note the transitional character of Armenian democracy. As for justice, it should be noted that such problems are inherent in almost all transitional states and especially, for modern countries. It is easier to understand, when we observe the experience of communities, which try to pass from the totalitarian rails of state governance to democratic ones. From the other side, the social and economic reasons of the state, poverty of the population can be considered as an objective reason. In terms of subjective reasons, firstly, the disproportionate punishment for crimes directed against political rights should be pointed out, which are the central obstacles for the implementation of political rights.

The ‘Social’ is Prior to the ‘Political’: Bosanquet Revisited (Again)

2013 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avital Simhony
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Cooperation ◽  
Cooperative Action ◽  
State Action ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Social ◽  
The One ◽  
British Idealism ◽  
The Right

The essay aims to reveal the priority of the ‘social’ over the ‘political’ in Bosanquet's thought by making more prominent what Bosanquet calls ‘social’. It is the domain of human connectedness and cooperation that occupies the space between the ‘political’, state action, and the personal, narrowly conceived individual. The centrality of the ‘social’ emerges against the backdrop of two rival interpretations of Bosanquet's relationship with British Idealism over state action. The one claims that Green's split into ‘right’ (Bosanquet) and ‘left’ (Ritchie). The other interpretation restores unity, denying that the right-left divide introduces fundamental differences into the Idealist camp. Though not a laissez-faire individualist, Bosanquet's restrictive stance on state action with regard to the poor reveals, I argue, ‘social individualism’. Best expressed in his prioritizing of ‘social cooperative action’ over state action, at the heart of social individualism lies a conceptual-normative nexus between self-maintaining, self-managing, self-governing individuals and social cooperation.

The Social Origins and Provenance of the English Bishops during the Reign of Edward II

1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Social Background ◽  
Early Career ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Origins ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
The Social ◽  
Complete Study ◽  
History Of

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

scholarly journals Returning urban political elites to the research agenda: the case of the Southern Low Countries (c. 1350 – c. 1550)

Urban History ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 568-588
Author(s):  
Frederik Buylaert ◽  
Jelten Baguet ◽  
Janna Everaert
Keyword(s):  
Special Section ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ruling Class ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Low Countries ◽  
Late Medieval ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of

AbstractThis article provides a comparative analysis of four large towns in the Southern Low Countries between c. 1350 and c. 1550. Combining the data on Ghent, Bruges and Antwerp – each of which is discussed in greater detail in the articles in this special section – with recent research on Bruges, the authors argue against the historiographical trend in which the political history of late medieval towns is supposedly dominated by a trend towards oligarchy. Rather than a closure of the ruling class, the four towns show a high turnover in the social composition of the political elite, and a consistent trend towards aristocracy, in which an increasingly large number of aldermen enjoyed noble status. The intensity of these trends differed from town to town, and was tied to different institutional configurations as well as different economic and political developments in each of the four towns.

Managing the Health of Chosŏn Kings: Illness and Treatment in the Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 171-191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wung Seok Cha
Keyword(s):  
Social History ◽  
Mental Status ◽  
Daily Activities ◽  
The Political ◽  
Korean Language ◽  
Historical Source ◽  
Choson Dynasty ◽  
The Social ◽  
History Of ◽  
Shed Light

TheSŭngjŏngwŏn ilgi (Daily Records of the Royal Secretariat)is one of the major chronicles of the events of the Chosŏn Dynasty (1392–1910). Although the records prior to the year 1622 are no longer extant, the remaining records from the years 1623 to 1910 meticulously recount the daily activities of the reigning Chosŏn kings, including copious information on their physical and mental status. Because the king’s health was considered as important as other official affairs in many respects, detailed records were kept of royal ailments and how court doctors treated them. This article surveys the state of Korean-language scholarship on the medical content of theDaily Recordsand presents selected translations to demonstrate how this valuable historical source can shed light on both the social history of Chosŏn medicine and the political importance of kingly health at the Chosŏn court.

Jus Tempus in the Magna Carta: The Sovereignty of Time in Modern Politics and Citizenship

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (03) ◽  
pp. 463-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth F. Cohen
Keyword(s):  
Early Modern ◽  
The Political ◽  
Place Of Birth ◽  
Political Status ◽  
Modern Politics ◽  
American Tradition ◽  
History Of ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Right ◽  
Constitutional Tradition

In the English constitutional tradition, subjecthood has been primarily derived from two circumstances: place of birth and time of birth. People not born in the right place and at the right time are not considered subjects. What political status they hold varies and depends largely on the political history of the territory in which they reside at the exact time of their birth. A genealogy of early modern British subjecthood reveals that law based on dates and temporal durations—what I will call collectivelyjus tempus—creates sovereign boundaries as powerful as territorial borders or bloodlines. This concept has myriad implications for how citizenship comes to be institutionalized in modern politics. In this article, I briefly outline one route through whichjus tempusbecame a constitutive principle within the Anglo-American tradition of citizenship and how this concept works with other principles of membership to create subtle gradations of semi-citizenship beyond the binary of subject and alien. I illustrate two main points aboutjus tempus: first, how specific dates create sovereign boundaries among people and second, how durational time takes on an abstract value in politics that allows certain kinds of attributes, actions, and relationships to be translated into rights-bearing political statuses. I conclude with some remarks about how, once established, the principle ofjus tempusis applied in a diverse array of political contexts.

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