Should we build better? The case for resilient earthquake design in the United States

2020 ◽  
pp. 875529302094418
Author(s):  
Keith A Porter

America seems to have an earthquake investment gap, paying billions more annually on average to recover from earthquakes than it invests to prevent losses beforehand. Two large studies for Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) and the US Geological Survey (USGS) offer insight into how well American buildings will resist future catastrophic earthquakes. They suggest that the public prefers new buildings to do more than to assure life safety, which has been the building code’s historic objective. They also suggest that greater resilience would better serve society’s economic interests. People expect to be safe in new buildings and the building code delivers safety. But people also want to use buildings after the Big One. America has a few options for meeting those expectations, including stronger, stiffer construction, with geographically optimized strength and stiffness. Greater strength and stiffness is not the only option to improve resilience, but such an approach offers the advantages that it could be implemented in practice by any structural designer without requiring additional technical expertise, software, of proprietary technology. It would produce a healthier economy and save society an average of $4 for every $1 of added cost. The savings cross property lines, benefiting tenants, owners, lenders, developers, and everyone who does business with them. The added cost would amount to approximately 1%, and experience in Moore, Oklahoma, shows that it would probably affect real estate sales and prices little or not at all. The solution addresses ethical considerations by responding to the public’s expectations for better performance and by optimizing utilitarian outcomes. Other options such as second-generation performance-based earthquake engineering, innovative technologies, and rating systems could complement this approach and further increase resilience.

Jurnal ICMES ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Firmanda Taufiq

Throughout 2018, relations between Turkey and the United States seemed to deteriorate. The leaders of the two countries issued sharp diplomatic statements and the US even imposed economic sanctions on Turkey. This article aims to analyze how the future of relations between Turkey and the United States. Cooperation between the two has a long historical side after the Cold War. Relations between the two countries are based on various interests, both economic, political, military and security interests. The theory used in this study is the theory of national interest. The US has great interests in the Middle East and Turkey is the front-line ally in achieving those interests. However, there are many US foreign policies that ignore the Turkish concern and create tensions between the two countries. On the contrary, Turkey also has considerable economic interests, but the role of the government elite (in this case, President Erdogan) has a significant influence in the determination of Turkish foreign policy. The findings of this study, although it will go through complex challenges and processes, the US and Turkey will continue to maintain their relations.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lounnas Djallil

AbstractThis article analyses, the complex relationship between Tehran, Beijing and Washington on the Iranian nuclear issue. Indeed, China's policy towards Iran has often been described as ambiguous, in supporting Washington, on the one hand, while protecting Tehran, on the other hand. In this article, we argue that, in fact, Beijing policy vis-a-vis Tehran depends on the state of its relationships with Washington. Indeed, a closer analysis shows that China is using Iran as a bargaining chip with the United States on, among others, two key security issues, i.e., Taiwan and the oil supply. The guarantee of a secured oil supply from the Middle-East in addition to a comprehensive policy of the US with regard to Chinese security interests in Taiwan as well as the use of smart sanctions against Tehran, which would thus take into account, to a certain extent, Beijing economic interests in Iran, are, indeed, the guarantee of Beijing's support to the US policy towards Iran.


2011 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Graeber

This article examines the role of values in the political discourse of the last decade in the US. It embarks from what many observers had described as a puzzle: the fact that significant parts of the American working class voted against their economic interests but in line with what they perceived to be their values. As a result, a president had been re-elected who cut taxes for the rich while waging an expensive war in Iraq and increasing public debt to historically unprecedented levels. It is argued that large sectors of the white American working class were disappointed with liberal politicians because they associated them with a cultural elite that occupied positions in society that allowed them to pursue careers of intrinsic value in the arts, science, or politics but which were largely closed to the working class. It is thus suggested that the ‘culture wars’ in the US are better interpreted as a struggle over access to the means to behave altruistically. The article rejects the widespread assumption that individuals are narrowly conceived economic self-interest maximizers. Rather, it suggests that human fulfilment can be related to the satisfaction derived from working for the common good.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-41
Author(s):  
Thiago Lima ◽  
Erbenia Lourenço ◽  
Henrique Zeferino de Menezes

In 2002, Southern Africa was struck by a severe food crisis. Despite the hardships, some nations of this region refused food aid from the US due to the presence of Genetically Modified Organisms. They claimed that the food was unsafe for their population’s consumption. The paper addresses the main reasons for the US donation of GMOs. Based on documental analysis, congressional hearings and literature review, we argue that although the donations may have the intention of helping the emergency problems of these African and Latin American countries, the food aid also promotes US market interests, disregarding public health conceptions and economic interests of those countries.     Recebido em: setembro/2019 Aprovado em: dezembro/2019


Author(s):  
T. Kulinich

The present article reviews the current set of interests of the United States of America in respect of Latin American countries. The author believes that the key groups of interests pursued by the US in Latin America are as follows: political and security interests, economic interests, and combined interests, the most important of the latter being the interests relating to combating drug trafficking. The author believes that the economic interest, albeit being a secondary one in terms of formal hierarchy of interests, is in fact one of the core US interests in the region at present. The US is interested to preserve its influence upon the Latin American market, and further engage the Latin American workforce and industrial capacities to the benefit of the US economy. The US pursues its interests in Latin America, inter alia, through various integration projects, including NAFTA, CAFTA-DR, FTAA, and a range of free trade areas. The article also addresses the interest of the US in the field of prevention of drug trafficking, which constitutes an important area of cooperation between the US and the Latin American countries concerned. The author argues that, despite the fact that the current outcomes of the ongoing war on drugs may be perceived as controversial, the issue in question serves as a strong factor contributing to the growth of the US influence over, and its presence within, the region. The article also reviews key methods used by the US to further its interests in Latin America, including the classical methods and those relating to soft power.


Author(s):  
Evgeny Khoroshilov

In the XXI century, there is a slight decline in the importance of the United States for Canada as an economic partner, but the United States remain the main external force influencing the development of the Canadian economy. Canada is interested in unhindered access of its goods to the American market, free flow of capital between the two countries, the development of North American economic integration and, most importantly, in sustainable economic growth in the United States. If the economic policy of the Joe Biden administration ensures the dynamic development of the American economy, then this will have a positive impact on the Canadian economy. At the same time, a number of provisions of Biden's economic strategy, such as raising the corporate income tax, strengthening control over mergers and acquisitions, and the "Buy American" policy, contradict Canadian economic interests. At first glance, the Biden administration's commitment to combating climate change is also negative for Canada. However, a number of Canadian stakeholders may also become beneficiaries of the new "green" course of the American economy. In general, the Canadian establishment believes that Canada’s national interests are in further integration of the US and Canadian economies. The Biden administration's tenure in the White House is unlikely to be an obstacle to this process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 63-81
Author(s):  
Mads Dahl Gjefsen

Emerging technologies are not simply pursued out of economic interests, but also on the basis of assumptions about the societies and publics that technologies will serve. This paper compares how carbon dioxide capture and storage – a technology for sustainable energy generation – has been supported in the United States and European Union over the last decade. Distinct land ownership laws and market structures have helped legitimate different groups of actors as stakeholders in the technology, and CO2 has been redefined in relation to different policy narratives and legal ontologies in the two sites. Climate change mitigation might appear to depend on international cooperation founded on a shared epistemic basis. However, this article suggests that mitigation options should not simply be assessed as functions of technical qualities, but also be understood in relation to how political actors articulate and pursue the societal implications of technological futures.


1994 ◽  
Vol 56 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 5-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.M. Murane

Abstract In response to a requirement in the Indoor Radon Abatement Act of 1988, The US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) has been developing 'Model Standards and Techniques for Control of Radon in New Buildings'. A draft of the Model Standards was developed in close co-operation with the building industry and disseminated for public comment in April 1993. A final Standard will be published by the end of 1993. This paper describes the recommended construction techniques and implementation procedures contained in the draft. Use of the recommended standards and techniques is linked to the potential for elevated radon levels that is predicted for different geographical areas of the United States. The paper emphasises the cost-effectiveness of building-in-radon-resistance in new homes, and highlights the use of construction techniques that many builders already use as standard building practice.


2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis M. Hsu ◽  
Judy Hayman ◽  
Judith Koch ◽  
Debbie Mandell

Summary: In the United States' normative population for the WAIS-R, differences (Ds) between persons' verbal and performance IQs (VIQs and PIQs) tend to increase with an increase in full scale IQs (FSIQs). This suggests that norm-referenced interpretations of Ds should take FSIQs into account. Two new graphs are presented to facilitate this type of interpretation. One of these graphs estimates the mean of absolute values of D (called typical D) at each FSIQ level of the US normative population. The other graph estimates the absolute value of D that is exceeded only 5% of the time (called abnormal D) at each FSIQ level of this population. A graph for the identification of conventional “statistically significant Ds” (also called “reliable Ds”) is also presented. A reliable D is defined in the context of classical true score theory as an absolute D that is unlikely (p < .05) to be exceeded by a person whose true VIQ and PIQ are equal. As conventionally defined reliable Ds do not depend on the FSIQ. The graphs of typical and abnormal Ds are based on quadratic models of the relation of sizes of Ds to FSIQs. These models are generalizations of models described in Hsu (1996) . The new graphical method of identifying Abnormal Ds is compared to the conventional Payne-Jones method of identifying these Ds. Implications of the three juxtaposed graphs for the interpretation of VIQ-PIQ differences are discussed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Ann Abate Michelle

This essay argues that in spite of their obvious Biblically-based subject matter, clear Christian content, and undeniable evangelical perspective, the Left Behind novels for kids are not simply religious books; they are also political ones. Co-authors Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins may claim that their narratives are interested in sharing the good news about Jesus for the sake of the future, but they are equally concerned with offering commentary on contentious US cultural issues in the present. Given the books’ adolescent readership, they are especially preoccupied with the ongoing conservative crusade concerning school prayer. As advocates for this issue, LaHaye and Jenkins make use of a potent blend of current socio-political arguments and of past events in evangelical church history: namely, the American Sunday School Movement (ASSM). These free, open-access Sabbath schools became the model for the public education system in the United States. In drawing on this history, the Left Behind series suggests that the ASSM provides an important precedent for the presence not simply of Christianity in the nation's public school system, but of evangelical faith in particular.


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