scholarly journals Alcohol policy and public health

2016 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 402-411
Author(s):  
Jason Luty

SummaryAlcohol is the most commonly used recreational drug in the world and the third leading cause of preventable death. Alcohol consumption and alcohol problems have increased steadily over the past six decades. Methods likely to reduce alcohol problems (e.g. minimum pricing, restricting licensing hours and increasing the availability of alcohol treatment) tend not to be supported by the drinks industry. Methods favoured by the industry (e.g. public education, industry self-regulation and product warning labelling) are less effective or do not work. The recent history of alcohol policy clearly demonstrates how the financial power of industry can influence governments and undermine effective public health measures, for instance by lobbying, political donations, confusion marketing and creating fnancial vested interests by grants from industry-sponsored 'social aspect organisations'.

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Moore AM

Abstract Background The alcohol industry has taken a page from the tobacco industry play book in an attempt to resist regulation through delay, self-regulation and effective lobbying. The global alcohol industry is constantly seeking to increase sales of harmful products through widespread marketing, the targeting of young people, and resisting regulatory action. Methods An assessment of the number of lobbyists engaged in one form of another to influence members of Parliament in Australia is being conducted to provide an insight into the attempts to influence alcohol policy. This follows a scan of the lobbyists' register by Daube et al in 2018 that found the while the tobacco industry had 20 direct lobbyists and 14 indirect, the junk food industry 33 direct and 13 indirect, the most dominant was the alcohol industry with 43 direct and 23 indirect. A careful re-examination of the register in 2020 is expected to reveal an increase in these numbers. There will also be an examination of the State and Territory registers in an attempt to understand the overall numbers of people specifically attempting to influence governments. Discussion This particular examination is focussed on the Australian Parliament/s. However, the message will be similar world-wide. Companies such as Diageo have a significant share of the world market with net sales, for example, being 25% of scotch, 16% of beer and 11% of vodka. Their “Drinkiq” website claims “Diageo is committed to preventing and reducing alcohol abuse around the world”. However, other business websites illustrate that their prime objective is to sell more alcohol. Presentation The presentation will focus on the importance of countering the efforts of industry in increasing availability of alcohol. It will also provide a series of steps that public health advocates can take in order to persuade governments of the importance of protecting community health through appropriate regulation of the marketing and sales of alcohol. Key messages The alcohol industry seeks to increase sales while arguing it is protecting health. Public health advocates do have the tools to counter approaches by alcohol companies.


2021 ◽  
pp. 349-360
Author(s):  
Robin Room

This chapter begins with a discussion on alcohol, its uses, and its effects, both positive and negative, followed by a review of the recent research on its cumulative effects on health. The history of alcohol as a public health issue is also briefly reviewed. The temperance movements of the nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries sought to prohibit alcohol altogether, but by the 1930s the alternative of controlling alcohol sales to limit its adverse effects was the dominant aim. As these controls weakened after the 1950s, a ‘new public health’ approach argued for stronger controls. Although this approach gained ground among researchers from the 1970s onwards, it has often been resisted in the policy process. Seven main strategies to prevent or control alcohol problems are described, and their effectiveness briefly assessed. The chapter concludes with an account of alcohol policy in a globalizing world. An international convention on alcohol control has been called for to counter the influence of trade agreements and the globalization of alcohol production, distribution, and promotion.


1994 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cathie Stivers

Organization Setting. The New Mexico Alcohol Issues Consortium (NMAIC) originated in January 1989 as a grassroots effort to focus on the reduction of driving-while-intoxicated (DWI) in New Mexico. It was the brainchild of three state health department officials and grew to include in its membership representatives from education, medicine, law enforcement, neighborhood associations, business, and local and state government. Rationale. New Mexico ranks at or near the top in several alcohol-related statistics, including motor vehicle fatalities, cirrhosis, and alcoholism. Furthermore, the ‘alcohol environment’ in New Mexico included the allowance for the purchase of alcoholic beverages at drive-up windows, lax enforcement of DWI laws, and even state legislators with DWI records. Theoretical bases upon which NMAIC goals and strategies were based include the public health model, the public health/dynamic systems model of alcohol and other drug use, and ‘refocusing upstream’, all of which give attention to the environment as a determinant of health status. Implementation. While the NMAIC's activities addressed a variety of alcohol-related problems in New Mexico, the bulk of the organization's efforts for four years were directed toward increasing the excise tax on alcohol, either as a statewide measure or via county-level local option referenda. Strategies which were enacted to support this legislative activity included collaboration with other programs and organizations with similar DWI-prevention goals, and staged media events to solicit public support. Impact. In four years, the NMAIC had established itself as a credible organization which was successful in publicly and systematically challenging existing alcohol policies in New Mexico. The NMAIC was also instrumental in empowering individuals and communities to speak and act against the alcohol problems in their own communities. Finally, during the 1993 New Mexico Legislative Session, a bill was passed which mandated a statewide excise tax increase on alcohol. For its efforts, the NMAIC has won one national level award and one state level award for its contribution to the public health of New Mexico. Discussion. The NMAIC is now pursuing passage of the local option version of the excise tax increase bill, because it could generate up to three limes as much revenue as the new statewide increase. Additionally, Consortium members have escalated discussions regarding nonprofit status for the NMAIC, and developing a more formal mechanism for determining leadership. Members continue their participation in trainings on community organizing, media advocacy, and alcohol policy reform.


2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 343-359 ◽  
Author(s):  
SHANE BUTLER

AbstractThis article explores how proponents of a public health model of alcohol policy have, for more than a quarter of a century, argued consistently but unsuccessfully for an integrated national alcohol policy in the Republic of Ireland. It looks in particular at the past decade, a time when increases in alcohol consumption and related problems strengthened the case for such an integrated policy, and when managerial innovations in the sphere of cross-cutting management appeared to provide a template for its implementation. A number of explanations are offered for the refusal of successive governments to respond to what its advocates see as the only rational, evidence-based approach to the prevention of alcohol problems. It is argued that, unlike the Nordic countries, the political culture of independent Ireland has never been one in which the state could unilaterally impose strict alcohol control policies as a feature of its broader vision of the welfare state. It is also argued that during the recent period of economic prosperity (the so-called ‘Celtic Tiger’ era) the country was characterised by a neo-liberal policy climate, which was specifically antipathetic to the idea that the state should interfere directly in the alcohol market with a view to preventing related problems. It is suggested that the social partnership model of governance, to which many people attributed the country's economic success, created an atmosphere of consensualism within which the state as mediator between the two main protagonists (the public health lobby and the drinks industry) was unwilling to challenge the drinks industry. It is also concluded that this failure to create a national alcohol policy based on public health principles demonstrates the limitations of the cross-cutting, or ‘joined-up’, approach to public management in those areas of social policy characterised by clashing value systems or fundamental conflicts of economic interest. Finally, it is acknowledged that in Ireland, as elsewhere, neo-liberal certitudes have been effectively dethroned by the economic recession and banking crisis of late 2008; whether these more straitened economic circumstances will provide a better fit for the ‘nanny state’ ideals of the public health perspective on alcohol remains to be seen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
S Hilton ◽  
S V Katikireddi

Abstract There have been longstanding social and public health concerns about the levels of harmful alcohol consumption in Scotland. The Alcohol (Minimum Pricing) (Scotland) Act 2012 targets all alcohol sold through licensed premises in Scotland by ensuring it cannot be sold below a set minimum unit price. The pricing policy is currently set at 50p per unit of alcohol. Following a legal challenge and a vote in the Scottish Parliament, minimum unit pricing was implemented in Scotland on 1 May 2018. The aim of the Scottish alcohol policy has been to reduce the adverse public health consequences of alcohol consumption. It has also been identified as a potential measure for reducing health inequalities since alcohol-related harms are strongly socially patterned. The Scottish alcohol policy is important case to consider for a number of reasons. First, the nature of the policy differs. Rather than the introduction of a variable floor price, which may encourage switching in consumption from one product to another to maintain alcohol intake, minimum unit pricing introduces a price threshold that is uniform across all alcohol products. Second, minimum unit pricing is being introduced into a competitive commercial environment with strong vested interests, rather than a government-controlled monopoly. Third, the policy has been framed as a public health intervention, rather than primarily for revenue-raising reasons. Research on its development and evaluation will be considered to inform broader discussions on policy advocacy. Here we show a visualisation of the minimum unit pricing policy network to highlight how the public health community could work in more coordinated manner to support alcohol policy interventions.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  

Abstract Alcohol-related harm is a major public health concern in Europe, with levels of alcohol consumption and associated health harm among the highest worldwide. According to the European Commission, premature deaths linked to alcohol account for over 7% of all European morbidity, and alcohol is a major avoidable risk factor for neuropsychiatric disorders, cardiovascular diseases, cirrhosis of the liver, cancer and unintentional and intentional injuries. Even moderate use of alcohol raises long-term risks of certain heart conditions, liver disease and cancers, and frequent use can lead to dependence. There is extensive research on efficient strategies to reduce alcohol-related harm, alongside high-level policy recommendations. Examples are the WHO’s global strategy to reduce harmful use of alcohol and the WHO European office’s European action plan to reduce the harmful use of alcohol 2012-2020. The European Union (EU) strategy to support member states in reducing alcohol-related harm expired in 2012. Since then, the Committee on National Alcohol Policy and Action (CNAPA) has drawn up a non-binding Action Plan in relation to alcohol and EU countries have the main responsibility for their national alcohol policy. Despite strong evidence bases supporting alcohol policy, the implementation of potentially effective alcohol policy is often challenged by companies with commercial interests seeking to undermine evidence and advocate for less effective alternatives. These alternatives, such as education or voluntary industry action, are often favoured by politicians and the public. This opposition to evidence-based alcohol policy represents a challenge to public health. In this session, we will discuss recent developments in alcohol policy reform in Estonia, Finland and Scotland; reflecting on the outcomes of policies and the challenges faced in implementation. We invite commentaries from national experts and from the DG Sante and WHO Euro. Among these the French commentary will address the influence of the alcohol industry in circumventing effective public health policies, with discussions concerning the new strict French low-risk guidelines on alcohol use as one example. The objective of this workshop is to share experiences of the challenges faced in applying effective alcohol policies, to discuss ways to tackle those challenges, and to invite the EU and the WHO to share their views on ways to overcome these barriers in future policy advocacy. Key messages Commercial determinants of health are a powerful force in preventing effective public health policy on alcohol-related harm. The public health community need to work in a persistent and coordinated manner to bring in a suite of effective alcohol policy interventions across Europe.


Nutrients ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (8) ◽  
pp. 2846
Author(s):  
Tim Stockwell ◽  
Norman Giesbrecht ◽  
Kate Vallance ◽  
Ashley Wettlaufer

Evidence for effective government policies to reduce exposure to alcohol’s carcinogenic and hepatoxic effects has strengthened in recent decades. Policies with the strongest evidence involve reducing the affordability, availability and cultural acceptability of alcohol. However, policies that reduce population consumption compete with powerful commercial vested interests. This paper draws on the Canadian Alcohol Policy Evaluation (CAPE), a formal assessment of effective government action on alcohol across Canadian jurisdictions. It also draws on alcohol policy case studies elsewhere involving attempts to introduce minimum unit pricing and cancer warning labels on alcohol containers. Canadian governments collectively received a failing grade (F) for alcohol policy implementation during the most recent CAPE assessment in 2017. However, had the best practices observed in any one jurisdiction been implemented consistently, Canada would have received an A grade. Resistance to effective alcohol policies is due to (1) lack of public awareness of both need and effectiveness, (2) a lack of government regulatory mechanisms to implement effective policies, (3) alcohol industry lobbying, and (4) a failure from the public health community to promote specific and feasible actions as opposed to general principles, e.g., ‘increased prices’ or ‘reduced affordability’. There is enormous untapped potential in most countries for the implementation of proven strategies to reduce alcohol-related harm. While alcohol policies have weakened in many countries during the COVID-19 pandemic, societies may now also be more accepting of public health-inspired policies with proven effectiveness and potential economic benefits.


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