Superannuation Allowances for Scottish Asylum Workers. a Discussion opened

1903 ◽  
Vol 49 (206) ◽  
pp. 474-483
Author(s):  
J. Carlyle Johnstone

Dr. Carlyle Johnstone, introducing the discussion, said: It is several years since any active steps have been taken by the Scottish Division, or by the Association itself, to obtain retiring allowances for the officers and servants of Scottish district and parochial asylums. Nothing has been done in the interval by the State or the local authorities to satisfy our reasonable claims or to remove the special injustice under which Scotland suffers. A memorial on this subject was presented to the Lord Advocate by the Scottish Division in 1877, and a similar memorial was presented to the Secretary for Scotland, Lord Lothian, in 1887. The representations of the Division were politely received, but no practical results have followed. It may be considered that it would be futile to send in a third petition; but the present Secretary for Scotland has never been approached by our body, and he may fairly consider that if we do not ask for pensions we do not want them. There is reason to believe that at any moment a Bill for the amendment of the Scottish Lunacy Acts may be introduced into the House of Commons. We should leave no stone unturned in order to secure that in this Bill provision shall be made for the granting of superannuation allowances in all Scottish public asylums. I have brought this question before the Asylum Workers' Association and the Parliamentary Committee of the Medico-Psychological Association, and both of these bodies have now memorialised Lord Balfour on behalf of the Scottish asylum workers. In my opinion our Scottish Division should do the same. The conditions of service in Scotland are so anomalous, so grossly unfair as compared with those in England and Ireland, that, if only we keep on protesting and agitating the matter, we may reasonably expect by our continual importunity to obtain justice sooner or later. At each General Election we ought to approach every candidate for Parliamentary honours, lay our case before them, and obtain from them individually, if possible, an expression of their sympathy with our claim and a promise to vote for a Bill which shall satisfy this claim. This is what we ought to have done at the last General Election. I hope that this meeting will resolve that this shall be done at the next one. It does not appear to me to be opportune to approach Members of Parliament at this moment. In a decaying House, with a dwindling majority on the side of the Government and many Members proposing to go into retirement at the dissolution, we can scarcely expect Members to pledge themselves to vote for what cannot be regarded as a “popular” or “economical” measure. But we ought, I think, to get into touch with Lord Balfour at once, and make plans for bringing pressure to bear on all Scottish candidates at the General Election, which may possibly occur at an early date.

2019 ◽  
pp. 48-51
Author(s):  
I. Shcherbakova

An attempt to solve the agrarian question at the beginning of the 20th century has been analyzed. The interaction and confrontation of two ministries – the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of the Interior and local authorities: local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry and provincial committees of the Editorial Commission of the Ministry of the Interior, their attempts to discuss and resolve the peasant issue at the beginning of the 20th century, – have been examined. It has been substantiated, that at the beginning of the 20th century the state authorities did not develop a unified course in resolving the peasant issue and only the events of the 1905 revolution forced the government to take emergency measures in the development of agricultural legislation.


Polar Record ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 32 (182) ◽  
pp. 209-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian R. Stone

ABSTRACTThe record of Parliamentary proceedings relating to the Franklin search covers the period 1848–1863. The main subject of discussion was the need for the government to mount search expeditions, while topics such as rewards for successful expeditions and the question of the provision of monuments to Sir John Franklin also occupied Parliamentary time. Interest in the matter among Members of Parliament crossed party boundaries. Most of the activity was in the House of Commons rather than in the House of Lords, because the former House had control of expenditure. A further reason was that the government was more exposed to questioning in the House of Commons, because, for most of the period, the First Lord of the Admiralty was a member of that House. Lady Franklin also had a wider range of acquaintance in the House of Commons and was able to conduct a lobbying campaign using it as a medium.


1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Jupp

One generalization which can be made about politics in the reign of George III with a fair degree of certainty is that the vast majority of M.P.s did not consider their conduct in the House of Commons as predetermined by the wishes of their electors; they preferred to see themselves as elected as members of Parliament rather than as delegates to Parliament. Moreover, despite the recent concentration of some historians upon the history of Parliament, the discipline of psephology rarely engaged the attention of politicians after a general election. These two attitudes of mind, which together indicated a clear division between electoral and Parliamentary politics, were nowhere more prevalent than in constituencies where landed interests were predominant. These, which comprised the majority in Scotland and Wales, were, after 1801, also thought to predominate in Ireland. This, in fact, was part of the reason why the Whigs at Westminster so firmly opposed the Union during the debates in 1799 and 1800. They argued in effect that in Ireland, as in Scotland, there was little dependence upon electors and a great dependence upon patronage; that the union with Scotland had added a substantial proportion of the forty-five M.P.s to the ranks of the government of the day; and that the union with Ireland would add near a 100 more. In fact the traditional picture of Irish electoral politics between 1801–26 is that, notwithstanding the fact that in Ireland the economic and social position and above all the religious sentiments of the majority of the electors were nowhere more clearly opposed to those of their M.P.s, the constituencies remained firmly controlled by the leading landed, and therefore Protestant, interests, the majority of whom supported every administration. The purpose of this article, however, is to argue that the Catholic vote in Irish constituencies was an integral and important factor in elections before 1820; that it not only played its part at elections but that it also affected in some degree the conduct of Irish M.P.s in the House of Commons towards the question of Catholic emancipation.


Subject Situation regarding Myanmar's ethnic armed organisations. Significance The government and military in Myanmar and leaders of ten ethnically based guerrilla groups that have signed the Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) last week pledged to step up their commitment to the peace process, to transform the NCA into a lasting settlement. Several other armed groups are still in conflict with the state, notwithstanding occasional ceasefires. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy (NLD) will very likely retain control over the civilian part of government following this year’s general election, but ethnic parties will probably make parliamentary gains at its expense. Impacts Suu Kyi is very unlikely to face pressure to step down even if the NLD’s parliamentary majority is heavily reduced. Even with increased seat share in parliament, ethnic parties will struggle to influence policy. China and India will double down on their support for the Myanmar military.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roy Campbell

This paper analyzes the effects of civility on the efficacy of communications in the Canadian House of Commons. This is accomplished through a content analysis of statements made during Question Period by Members of Parliament. I argue that civility (or incivility) and rhetoric are not mere formalities in Parliamentary discourse, but are key to the ways in which politicians represent their positions and attempt to sway opinion. I hypothesize that these forms of civility and rhetoric may have an agenda-setting effect on the issues debated in Parliament. My paper thus sets out to explore the impacts of civil and uncivil discourse on the proceedings of Question Period, as well as the implications these impacts may have for Canadians and their engagement in politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Linna Friska Marbun ◽  
Lasmery RM Girsang

<p>ABSTRAK<br />Menjelang kegiatan Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) pada bulan April 2019, perseteruan tanda pagar (tagar)/#/hashtag #2019GantiPresiden dan #Jokowi2Periode semakin hari semakin marak di media sosial. Perang tagar tersebut merepresentasikan perbedaan dukungan antara kubu pro Pemerintah Joko Widodo dan kubu yang tidak ingin Joko Widodo terpilih kembali menjadi Presiden pada periode 2019-2024.<br />Majalah TEMPO sebagai majalah yang menyajikan berita mengenai Politik, menerbitkan perseteruan yang terjadi di media sosial tersebut pada edisi 04 Juni 2018 dengan tema “PERANG#ADU KUAT DI MEDIA SOSIAL MENJADI PEMANASAN MENJELANG PEMILU 2019. SIAPA BERADA DI BELAKANG DUA KELOMPOK BERSETERU?”.<br />Melalui hasil Analisis Semiotika Peirce yang mengemukakan teori segitiga makna, yaitu: sign, object, dan interpretant, peneliti berhasil memperoleh makna bahwa sampul majalah TEMPO edisi 04 Juni 2018 menggambarkan keadaan Pemerintah pada masa akhir jabatan Joko Widodo sebagai Presiden Indonesia ke-7 yang tengah merasakan ketidaknyamanan dan kecemasan, akibat maraknya serangan tanda pagar atau hashtag dari kubu lawan di media sosial.<br />Tujuan dan manfaat dari penelitian ini selain untuk menguak makna grafis dan teks yang terdapat pada sampul Majalah TEMPO edisi 04 Juni 2018 dengan mengunakan model analisis Semiotika Peirce, juga untuk memberikan sumbangan pemikiran kepada khalayak luas, khususnya pembaca untuk menyikapi bahwa sebuah gambar ilustrasi pada sampul majalah tidak hanya sebagai cara untuk menarik minat khalayak dalam membeli majalah. Lebih dari itu, gambar ilustrasi sebenarnya memiliki makna mendalam berkaitan dengan isi berita yang dimuat suatu majalah.<br />Kata Kunci: Semiotika, Charles Sander Peirce, Majalah TEMPO, Tagar</p><p> </p><p>ABSTRACT<br />Ahead of the General Election (Election) in April 2019, the hashtag / # / hashtag # 2019GantiPresiden and # Jokowi2Periode period are increasingly rife on social media. The hashtag war represented a difference in support between the pro-Joko Widodo government and those who did not want Joko Widodo to be re-elected as President in the 2019-2024 period.<br />TEMPO magazine, as a magazine that presents news about politics, published a dispute that occurred on social media in the June 4, 2018 edition with the theme "WAR # STRONG ADUES IN SOCIAL MEDIA BECOME WARMING AGAINST ELECTION 2019. WHO WAS BEING BEHIND THE TWO GROUPS UNDERSTANDING?".<br />Through the results of Peirce's Semiotic Analysis which proposes the theory of triangles of meaning, namely: sign, object, and interpretant, the researcher succeeded in obtaining the meaning that the cover of the June 4th edition of TEMPO magazine illustrates the state of the Government at the end of Joko Widodo's term as the 7th President of Indonesia who was feeling discomfort and anxiety, due to the rise of fence attacks or hashtags from the opposing camp on social media. The purpose and benefits of this research are not only to uncover the graphic and text meanings contained on the cover of the June 04 2018 edition of TEMPO Magazine by using the Peirce Semiotic analysis model, also to contribute ideas to a wide audience, especially readers to respond to an illustrated picture on the cover of the magazine not only as a way to attract public interest in buying magazines. More than that, the illustrated image actually has a deep meaning related to the news content published in a magazine.                                                                                          Keywords: Semiotics, Charles Sander Peirce, TEMPO Magazine, Tagar</p><p><br /><br /></p>


Significance Malaysia’s next general election is due by August 2018 but could come before May. The vice-president of the opposition Islamist party Amanah has accused the government of politicising the flooding, which has seen seven die and 9,000 people evacuated (Hamidi denied this criticism). With the election cycle gaining momentum, religious controversies are likely to play an important role. Impacts The announcement of an election pact between the BN and PAS could signal the general election’s imminence. Heightened religious rhetoric in politics could see business pressure on alcoholic drinks and casino providers in Malaysia. Malaysian Islamist groups will avoid Islamic State (IS) connections, instead being influenced by local politics. The Penang floods’ political fallout could weaken the opposition Pakatan Harapan coalition which runs the state.


Subject Declining threat of India's Maoists. Significance Some 62 Naxalites -- Maoist rebels -- recently surrendered to security forces in Chhattisgarh, where around 125,000 police and paramilitary troops were deployed to safeguard this week’s first phase of the state elections, which the Naxalites want boycotted. Home Minister Rajnath Singh last month said Naxalites would be eliminated in India within 1-3 years. Impacts The government is unlikely to prioritise land reform in the lead-up to the 2019 general election. Some states are likely to see outbreaks of Hindu-Muslim religious violence ahead of the national poll. Singh will likely remain home minister if Prime Minister Narendra Modi wins a second term.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Birten Çelik

Based on archival material including silk workers’ letters and telegraphs sent to the state authorities, including the sultan, and to the newspapers, as well as official correspondence between the local authorities in Bursa and the government, the article examines the strikes which occurred in the silk industry in Bursa and Bilecik in 1910. The silk factory workers, mostly female, wanted a decrease in working hours, an increase in their wages and exemption from paying the temettü vergisi (the profit tax). These demands were accepted neither by the factory owners nor by the government and in consequence the workers went on strike in August 1910. The strike, however, was unsuccessful.


1975 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 293-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Elman

Very soon after the establishment of the State (and as an important part of its constitutional structure) the office of State Comptroller, responsible to the Knesset alone and independent of the Government, was established under statute—the State Comptroller Law of 1949. After undergoing a number of amendments, the Law was eventually replaced in 1958 by a Consolidated Version but without any substantive change being made in the functions and powers of the Comptroller, a fact which goes far to demonstrate the proven worth of the office.Briefly, the functions of the Comptroller are to carry out “inspection of the finances and the management of the finances and the property and administration of the State and of the bodies subject to the inspection of the Comptroller, and to perform the other functions assigned to the Comptroller by this Law”.The bodies subject to inspection include, in addition to every government department, state enterprises and institutions and local authorities, persons or bodies holding, otherwise than under contract, or managing or controlling any state property or funds in the management of which the Government has a share or which are made subject to inspection by the Knesset or by agreement with the Government.


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