The Correlates and Consequences of Believing in Free Will

<p>Research has indicated that weakening people’s belief in free will may likewise weaken their belief in moral responsibility and potentially license them to morally transgress. Recent studies in social psychology suggest that diminished belief in free will is associated with a range of anti-social or otherwise negative outcomes. For example, cheating, unjustified aggression, and less prosocial helping behaviour. In response to these findings, illusionist philosophers have recommended that even if scientists somehow conclusively showed that free will does not exist it might nevertheless be necessary to foster widespread belief as a useful-fiction. In the opposing camp, free will disillusionists maintain that belief in free will has a dark side that we would be better off without. The problem they say, is the close connection between free will and the belief that people justly deserve what they get. So rather than having the instrumental benefits that illusionists claim, belief in free will is too often taken to justify treating people in severe and demeaning ways. Who then is correct? I report empirical results comparing the beliefs and attitudes of free will sceptics and people naïve to the debate. Results are consistent with the claims of disillusionists. Free will sceptics are more compassionate, and are less likely to believe in just deserts and harbour retributive attitudes.</p>

The Correlates and Consequences of Believing in Free Will

<p>Research has indicated that weakening people’s belief in free will may likewise weaken their belief in moral responsibility and potentially license them to morally transgress. Recent studies in social psychology suggest that diminished belief in free will is associated with a range of anti-social or otherwise negative outcomes. For example, cheating, unjustified aggression, and less prosocial helping behaviour. In response to these findings, illusionist philosophers have recommended that even if scientists somehow conclusively showed that free will does not exist it might nevertheless be necessary to foster widespread belief as a useful-fiction. In the opposing camp, free will disillusionists maintain that belief in free will has a dark side that we would be better off without. The problem they say, is the close connection between free will and the belief that people justly deserve what they get. So rather than having the instrumental benefits that illusionists claim, belief in free will is too often taken to justify treating people in severe and demeaning ways. Who then is correct? I report empirical results comparing the beliefs and attitudes of free will sceptics and people naïve to the debate. Results are consistent with the claims of disillusionists. Free will sceptics are more compassionate, and are less likely to believe in just deserts and harbour retributive attitudes.</p>

Fake news et libelles diffamatoires : Discours contre les fausses nouvelles, instrumentalisation des écritures de l’actualité et poétiques burlesques dans la première modernité (1559-1661)

Free-form satire, emancipated from strictly Horatian / Juvenalian models, and organized around a poetic “I”, distant, critical or even indignant before a changing world, played an important role in the emergence of news writing in Early Modernity, leading to the onset of the periodical press in the 17th century. In order to reflect on the connection between Early Modern information media, and satirical or militant writing, the idiom “fake news”, while seemingly incongruous at first, is in fact particularly useful, as it helps establish a connection with our contemporary practices, such as incorrect news, ideologically-oriented publications, clickbaits, and ironic parodies. By comparing these apparently heterogeneous phenomena, it becomes possible to think, in a coordinated way, about three aspects of the exchanges and hybridization that took place between Early Modern “occasionnels” (short, topical brochures) and “libelles” (satirical or libellous tracts). Like contemporary “fake news”, a term often used by purveyors of equally debatable reports to decry doubtful information produced by the opposing camp, libelles were always entangled in a network of other libelles, ever expending due to the indignation caused by the enemy’s lies. Libelles imitated news writing, feeding on rumors, and led to demystifications that often doubled as critiques of the codes of topicality found in the occasionnels. In certain ways, such criticism contributed to the creation of these codes, by pushing back against them. The forms taken by this satire of ideologically-oriented, or militant news writing went beyond partisan intent; it was sometimes difficult, as it is nowadays on certain satirical websites or social media accounts, to distinguish between activist creative writings, and playful games of wit. At a deeper level, satirical esthetics, whether grotesque (referring to the whole period) or burlesque (referring to its end), could instigate a global exercise of incredulity or unbelief towards the religious and political foundations of the Ancien Régime. On account of such a meta-reflexive dimension, of its great diversity linked to its hybridization of news writings, of its oscillation between partisan and playful humour, depending on the readership’s liking and the publishing industry’s interests, libelle referred to changeable forms quite similar to the fickle realities the moniker fake news refers to nowadays. Conversely, the libelle invites us not to hastily reject one aspect or another of the current network, which might be more homogeneous than it seems at first sight.

François Jacob: Bricolage and the Possible

As well as his ground-breaking work in the field of molecular biology with Jacques Monod, François Jacob was a gifted and influential writer on science. His extraordinary capacity to make imaginative connections and to coin compelling metaphors informed both his work as a scientist and his writing on science. This article looks at the development of Jacob's distinctive constructivist conceptualization of science over the course of his career. Although Jacob was initially attracted to the metaphor of genetic material as a computer programme, he ultimately moved away from the mechanistic model of reproduction and evolution favoured by Monod. In a short paper published in the journal Science in 1977, he used the metaphor of bricolage as a way of conveying that biology evolution is a process of ‘tinkering’ with pre-existing materials rather than an elegant process of design. This conceptualization of the evolutionary process of building the new from the old has been highly influential in thinking on biology. In a more general sense, the concept of bricolage has a central role in Jacob's work, bringing together his thinking on evolution and science in general. The centrality of bricolage for Jacob positions him philosophically in many ways in the opposing camp to the Cartesian tradition, which was at the core of Monod's vision of science in the world.

Mykola Khvyl’ovyy, Dmytro Dontsov, and the Transgressive Symbiosis of Communist and Nationalist Visions for a Revolutionary Ukrainian Literature

Despite the tense geopolitical situation in interwar Eastern Europe, Ukrainian litterateurs at first elided the physical and ideological boundaries guarded by state authorities on either side of the Polish-Soviet border. Cultural leaders on the far right and far left, separated by a chasm of fear and loathing, nevertheless read andresponded to one another’s works. In some cases, representatives of the two sides shared common influences, beliefs, and aesthetic ideals, and even took the risk of signalling their admiration for the theories and creative accomplishments of sworn enemies in the opposing camp, favourably invoking “foreigners” to serve opposing agendas. Amid the relative openness, fluidity, and experimentalism that characterised the first (i.e. pre-Stalinist) half of the interwar period in Ukraine, few regarded nationalism and socialism, or even Bolshevism, as mutually exclusive concepts. Rather, there were synergies and points of contact between the two. Examining the public interaction of the Communist writer Mykola Khvyl’ovyy (1893–1933) and the nationalist literary critic Dmytro Dontsov (1883–1973), I argue that the Ukrainian cultural and political ferment of the 1920s was transgressive in two senses. Firstly, it cut across the political boundaries of party membership and citizenship that divided Ukrainians into Soviet and non-Soviet, socialist and nationalist. Secondly, it defied expectations of ideological purity and loyalty at a time of growing but not yet insurmountable hostility. The result was a symbiosis of right and left-wing agitation, in both Soviet Ukraine and south-eastern Poland, for a revolutionary, anticolonial, and modernist Ukrainian literature.

Arresting Habré

This chapter addresses the role of Marcel Mendy, head of Communications for the Extraordinary African Chambers (EAC), and his office during Hissène Habré's arrest, the most politically sensitive moment of the process. At the EAC, Mendy's unit reported on the activities of the EAC, represented the EAC as spokesperson, and organized media events for the prosecutor. A central task of the unit was to organize media coverage of the Habré trial by the national and international press through accreditation and streaming the trial on the EAC's website. Mendy's unit was also in charge of keeping Habré's arrest confidential until the operation occurred. On the basis of information obtained from investigation reports established in both Brussels and N'Djamena about detention centres and suspected locations of mass graves, Prosecutor M'Backé Fall decided to proceed with the arrest of Hissène Habré a few days after his return from a mission in Chad. Information had to be locked down to keep the opposing camp from being alerted. Indeed, the public only learned of the arrest the following day.

Libya's premier will struggle to garner support

Significance Serraj assumed his post shortly after the Government of National Accord (GNA) came into existence in December 2015. However, four years on and the prime minister has failed to overcome divisions. Partly, this is the result of external interference in Libya and deep divisions within the country, but Serraj’s own personality means he has not managed to build bridges. Impacts The longer the conflict continues, the higher the risk of outside forces dictating the outcome. Turkey’s role as the GNA’s key backer will force Serraj to acquiesce to Turkish foreign policy. In the opposing camp, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates will continue to try to influence international policies towards Libya.

PEMAKNAAN PERANG TANDA PAGAR ‘#’ ANTAR DUA KUBU CALON PRESIDEN INDONESIA 2019 DI MEDIA SOSIAL (Analisis Semiotika Peirce Pada Sampul Majalah Tempo Edisi 04 Juni 2018)

<p>ABSTRAK<br />Menjelang kegiatan Pemilihan Umum (Pemilu) pada bulan April 2019, perseteruan tanda pagar (tagar)/#/hashtag #2019GantiPresiden dan #Jokowi2Periode semakin hari semakin marak di media sosial. Perang tagar tersebut merepresentasikan perbedaan dukungan antara kubu pro Pemerintah Joko Widodo dan kubu yang tidak ingin Joko Widodo terpilih kembali menjadi Presiden pada periode 2019-2024.<br />Majalah TEMPO sebagai majalah yang menyajikan berita mengenai Politik, menerbitkan perseteruan yang terjadi di media sosial tersebut pada edisi 04 Juni 2018 dengan tema “PERANG#ADU KUAT DI MEDIA SOSIAL MENJADI PEMANASAN MENJELANG PEMILU 2019. SIAPA BERADA DI BELAKANG DUA KELOMPOK BERSETERU?”.<br />Melalui hasil Analisis Semiotika Peirce yang mengemukakan teori segitiga makna, yaitu: sign, object, dan interpretant, peneliti berhasil memperoleh makna bahwa sampul majalah TEMPO edisi 04 Juni 2018 menggambarkan keadaan Pemerintah pada masa akhir jabatan Joko Widodo sebagai Presiden Indonesia ke-7 yang tengah merasakan ketidaknyamanan dan kecemasan, akibat maraknya serangan tanda pagar atau hashtag dari kubu lawan di media sosial.<br />Tujuan dan manfaat dari penelitian ini selain untuk menguak makna grafis dan teks yang terdapat pada sampul Majalah TEMPO edisi 04 Juni 2018 dengan mengunakan model analisis Semiotika Peirce, juga untuk memberikan sumbangan pemikiran kepada khalayak luas, khususnya pembaca untuk menyikapi bahwa sebuah gambar ilustrasi pada sampul majalah tidak hanya sebagai cara untuk menarik minat khalayak dalam membeli majalah. Lebih dari itu, gambar ilustrasi sebenarnya memiliki makna mendalam berkaitan dengan isi berita yang dimuat suatu majalah.<br />Kata Kunci: Semiotika, Charles Sander Peirce, Majalah TEMPO, Tagar</p><p> </p><p>ABSTRACT<br />Ahead of the General Election (Election) in April 2019, the hashtag / # / hashtag # 2019GantiPresiden and # Jokowi2Periode period are increasingly rife on social media. The hashtag war represented a difference in support between the pro-Joko Widodo government and those who did not want Joko Widodo to be re-elected as President in the 2019-2024 period.<br />TEMPO magazine, as a magazine that presents news about politics, published a dispute that occurred on social media in the June 4, 2018 edition with the theme "WAR # STRONG ADUES IN SOCIAL MEDIA BECOME WARMING AGAINST ELECTION 2019. WHO WAS BEING BEHIND THE TWO GROUPS UNDERSTANDING?".<br />Through the results of Peirce's Semiotic Analysis which proposes the theory of triangles of meaning, namely: sign, object, and interpretant, the researcher succeeded in obtaining the meaning that the cover of the June 4th edition of TEMPO magazine illustrates the state of the Government at the end of Joko Widodo's term as the 7th President of Indonesia who was feeling discomfort and anxiety, due to the rise of fence attacks or hashtags from the opposing camp on social media. The purpose and benefits of this research are not only to uncover the graphic and text meanings contained on the cover of the June 04 2018 edition of TEMPO Magazine by using the Peirce Semiotic analysis model, also to contribute ideas to a wide audience, especially readers to respond to an illustrated picture on the cover of the magazine not only as a way to attract public interest in buying magazines. More than that, the illustrated image actually has a deep meaning related to the news content published in a magazine. Keywords: Semiotics, Charles Sander Peirce, TEMPO Magazine, Tagar</p><p><br /><br /></p>

Framing by the Flock: Collective Issue Definition and Advocacy Success

The framing of issues is part of the tool kit used by lobbyists in modern policy making, yet the ways in which framing works to affect lobbying success across issues remain underexplored. Analyzing a new dataset of lobbying in the news on 50 policy issues in five European countries, we demonstrate that it is not individual but collective framing that matters: Emphasis frames that enjoy collective backing from lobbying camps of like-minded advocates affect an advocate’s success, rather than frames being voiced by individual advocates. Crucially, it matters for advocacy success whether the advocate’s camp frames its policy goals on an issue in unity with “one voice” and whether the actor’s camp wins the contest of framing the issue vis-à-vis the opposing camp. Our results emphasize the need to consider the collective mechanisms behind the power of framing and have implications for future research on framing as an advocacy tool.

RELASI SOSIAL VIRTUAL SEBAGAI RUANG KOMUNIKASI POLITIK

Victory is the primary goal for eligible participants in legislative, regent, governor, and presidential elections. The use of social media became a means of garnering support from the public, but on the other hand openly getting attacks from supporters of the opposing camp. Mutual news "hoax" that spread on social media is a problem that has not been resolved until now. Social media becomes a force as well as a threat because it is transformed into a digital world that does not recognize the boundaries of state sovereignty as well as the political and social structure of society. Students are members of the community of social media users who are critical of the development of virtual social relationships that are transformed into a space of political communication. This study used qualitative research methods. The purpose of this study is to analyze the meaning of students of social media users and analyze social media influence on the political participation of its users. Social media has the following meanings; First, social media is interpreted as a form of public opinion. Second, social media as the most democratic media. Third, social media as a driver of change. Fourth, social media as a two-way communication media. Fifth, social media as an opponent's surveillance tool. The implication of this research is expected to be more critical, hopefully, the political communicator is more professional and wise in conveying their political message. The goal of winning or just the opposite is that society becomes less sympathetic, and undermines the self-image of political participants.