Ecological and economic costs of alien vertebrates in New Zealand

2011 ◽  
pp. 297-308 ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Chisholm ◽  
A. Moran ◽  
J. Zeitsch

2017 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 380-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. T. Saunders ◽  
G. Greer ◽  
G. Bourdôt ◽  
C. Saunders ◽  
T. James ◽  
...  

2018 ◽  
Vol 09 (03) ◽  
pp. 1850005 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARIO A. FERNANDEZ ◽  
ADAM J. DAIGNEAULT

The Paris Agreement (PA) asserts that emissions pathways of greenhouse gases (GHG) should be consistent with holding the increase in global temperature below 1.5[Formula: see text]C or 2[Formula: see text]C above pre-industrial levels. New Zealand (NZ) committed to reduce emissions to 30% below 2005 levels by 2030. The purpose of this paper is to assess the range of economic costs for NZ derived from the commitment under the PA, conditional to the mitigation potential of forestry carbon sequestration (FCS), pricing agricultural emissions, and linking the NZ emissions tradable scheme (NZ ETS) to the European Union ETS (EU ETS). We use a general equilibrium model and “soft-link” it with the global timber model. We found that NZ can meet the PA terms; however, important GDP decreases may arise due to limited domestic mitigation potential from the energy and transport sectors. FCS plays a significant role in mitigating the negative impacts, where the benefits of FCS outweigh those of pricing agricultural emission and linking the NZ ETS.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Gareth Kear

<p>Non-pumped hydroelectricity-based energy storage in New Zealand has only limited potential to expand to meet projected growth in electricity demand. Seasonal variations of hydro inflows have also led to several 'dry-year' events over the last decade and dedicated fast-start 'peaker' capacity may also be required to support wind power as it approaches a 20% generation share. In this research, the New Zealand electricity industry has been surveyed in regard to the feasibility of reducing CO2-e emissions through the introduction of pumped hydroelectricity and utility-scale batteries by 2025. A desk-based review of the economic costs of these technologies has also been performed and their drivers and barriers critically assessed. Most respondents to the survey projected that peak power demand will continue to increase and this will result in new-build centralised (~150 MW) thermal reserve power sources. In New Zealand, the costs of pumped hydro and batteries are seen to be prohibitive to their introduction, even though they are almost universally assumed to be technically capable of providing renewables support and peak power adequacy. The perception of the poor economic viability of pumped hydro may, in part, be due to the relatively high capital cost estimate associated with the Manorburn-Onslow proposal (~NZ$3 billion). This research has shown, however, that smaller, 'more-internationally-representative' pumped hydro schemes, if available in NZ with low associated environmental impact, are cost-competitive with thermal peakers, especially diesel peakers. Conversely, utility-scale batteries have very high storage costs per kWh and are most likely to be used only for very high value applications where there is a strong technical advantage, such as the six-second fast instantaneous reserve.</p>


BMJ Open ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (6) ◽  
pp. e020763 ◽  
Author(s):  
Papaarangi Reid ◽  
Sarah-Jane Paine ◽  
Braden Te Ao ◽  
Esther Willing ◽  
Emma Wyeth ◽  
...  

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoff Bertram

Like most productive activities, mining contributes to human welfare. Also like most economic activities, mining is best done where the relevant resources are relatively abundant and where economic costs (in the widest sense) are lowest. Mining will not increase economic welfare – on the contrary, it will often reduce it – if done in the wrong place, or in the wrong way, or without a proper legal and regulatory framework. Mining therefore presents industryspecific problems for regulators and policy makers, which cannot be finessed by overgeneralised rhetoric or glamorous photography. This paper reviews some of the key policy issues to be borne in mind in the ongoing debate over the expansion of mining activity in New Zealand’s conservation estate, and summarises the results of some recent statistical research on the economics of mining in New Zealand


Author(s):  
Erling Rasmussen

Work pressure has increased for many people in New Zealand in the I990s. Around a third of the workforce work more than 40 hours a week, the pressure to continuously up skill or res kill is growing, more women have joined the workforce, job and career insecurity has increased, and the eligibility age for receiving superannuation has risen. At the same time, 'underemployment' exists in terms of part-time workers wanting more hours and with unemployment stagnant at around six per cent. Innovative Danish Leave schemes introduced in the I990s offer one way of addressing the problems of work pressure and under-employment simultaneously. The paper describes the leave schemes, the reaction of the workforce and outlines the associated social and economic costs and benefits. In particular, the analysis will focus on the trade-off between more employee flexibility, increased ups killing and improved family relationships on one hand, and, on the other hand, minimising both the fiscal implications and costs on individual employers. Finally, a possible application of similar leave schemes in New Zealand is discussed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Boston

New Zealand has tolerated significant levels of relative child poverty for more than two decades. For a country which once prided itself on being comparatively egalitarian and, more particularly, on being a great place to bring up children, this is surprising. It is also concerning. Child poverty imposes many long-term costs. This is especially the case, according to the available evidence, when poverty occurs during early childhood1 and when it is severe and/or persistent. These costs afflict not only the children directly exposed to poverty (e.g. in the form of lower educational achievement, reduced lifetime earnings and poorer health outcomes), but also society as a whole. The wider social and economic costs include increased health care costs, lower productivity growth and higher rates of criminal offending.2 In short, the empirical evidence suggests that substantial rates of child poverty reduce a nation’s prosperity. Hence, on economic grounds alone there is a case for seeking lower child poverty rates. Other considerations, such as the pursuit of fair opportunities for all children, make such a goal even more compelling. 


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