The Chapuizet Affair

2021 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-612
Author(s):  
David Allen Harvey

Abstract This article examines a 1779 legal dispute involving Pierre Chapuizet, a wealthy and well-connected sugar planter of the north province of Saint-Domingue who was denied a commission as an officer in the colonial militia due to allegations of mixed-race origin. Although the Conseil Supérieur of Cap Français had recognized Chapuizet's status as “white and unblemished” (blanc et ingénu) in 1771, the colonial administration and much of the white elite argued that his descent from a Black great-great-grandmother made him ineligible for the honor of a militia commission. This article argues that the Chapuizet affair demonstrates a shift in the boundaries of whiteness in the French Antilles. Traditional “color prejudice,” in which skin color was one factor among many others, such as wealth and family connections, gave way to modern scientific racism defined by biological descent, according to which a single Black ancestor, however remote, sufficed for exclusion from the white elite. Cet article examine une dispute légale de l'année 1779 qui visait à Pierre Chapuizet, un colon riche et renommé de la province nord de Saint-Domingue, à qui on refusait une commission d'officier de milice à cause des allégations qu'il était d'origine sang mêlé. Bien que le Conseil supérieur du Cap Français l'eût reconnu comme « blanc et ingénu » dans un arrêt de 1771, l'administration coloniale et la plupart de l’élite blanche considéraient que son ascendance, notamment son arrière-grand-mère noire, l'excluait de l'honneur d'une commission militaire. A travers l'affaire Chapuizet on constate une modification des identités raciales et du statut de l'homme blanc dans les Antilles françaises. Le « préjugé de couleur » traditionnel, selon lequel la couleur de la peau n’était qu'un facteur parmi d'autres comme la richesse et les alliances familiales cède au racisme scientifique moderne, défini par la filiation biologique, selon lequel un seul aïeul noir, aussi lointain qu'il soit, suffit pour l'exclusion de l’élite blanche.

Costume ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Ashelford

When Jane Austen wrote in January 1801 that ‘Mrs Powlett was at once expensively and nakedly dressed’, the fashion for muslin dresses had existed for some eighteen years. This article examines the crucial period between 1779 and 1784 when the muslin garment, which became known as the chemise à la reine, was developed and refined. Originating in the French West Indies, the gaulle was the ‘colonial livery’ worn by the wives of the white elite, the ‘grands blancs’, and first appeared as a costume in a ballet performed in Paris in 1779. The version worn by Queen Marie Antoinette in Vigée Le Brun's controversial portrait of 1783 provoked, according to the Baron de Frénilly, ‘a revolution in dress’ which eventually destabilized society. The article focuses on the role played by Saint-Domingue, France's most valuable overseas possession, in the transference of the gaulle from colonial to metropolitan fashion, and how the colony became one of the major providers of unprocessed cotton to the French cotton industry.


Author(s):  
Emilie d’Orgeix

The first French military engineers in the American colonies between 1635 and 1670 did not belong to a professional corps, being officers with expertise to do military land-surveying and construct emergency defences. Between 1670 and 1691 engineers were under the discipline of Vauban who chose them for missions in Canada or the French Antilles. After 1691, until 1776, they were all ingénieurs du roi. They ranged across citadel and fort construction, cartography and town planning (especially in Louisiana and Saint Domingue).They promoted the urban grid plan, as well as harbours and road construction. With incorporation in a royal Genie corps in 1776 they became much more strictly military.


2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-476
Author(s):  
Sarah Kunkel

AbstractThis article analyses the implications of the Forced Labour Convention of 1930 on colonial labour policies for road labour carried out under chiefs in the Gold Coast. The British colonial administration implemented a legal application of the convention that allowed the continuation of the existing system of public works. In the Gold Coast, the issue of road labour was most prominent in the North, where chiefs maintained the majority of roads. Indirect rule became crucial in retaining forced labour in compliance with the convention. This article focuses on “hidden strategies” of British colonialism after 1930, contrasting studies of blatant cases of forced labour. The analysis is based on a close scrutiny of the internal discourse among colonial officials on the question of road labour and the Forced Labour Convention.


1981 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 219-233 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Geggus

Once the two largest sugar colonies in the slave-owning Caribbean, Jamaica and Haiti trace their separate paths of development back to the revolutionary struggles of the 1790's. While the French colony of Saint Domingue was transformed in a way few societies have ever been, Jamaica remained seemingly untouched by the conflagration that consumed its neighbour. When the slaves and free coloureds of Saint Domingue rebelled in the autumn of 1791, Jamaican society faced the greatest challenge of its history. The dramatic spectacle of violent self-liberation was acted out almost before the eyes of its blacks and mulattoes, while the ruling white elite experienced a dilemma that seemed to oppose its prosperity to its survival. This paper looks at the reaction of different social groups in the island in an attempt to explain its continuing stability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 133 (4) ◽  
pp. 461-471 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariani Impieri Souza ◽  
Marília Teixeira de Siqueira ◽  
Ana Laura Carneiro Gomes Ferreira ◽  
Clarice Umbelino de Freitas ◽  
Anselmo César Vasconcelos Bezerra ◽  
...  

Objectives: We assessed sociodemographic and health care factors of mothers and newborns during a 2015-2016 outbreak of microcephaly in Recife, Brazil, and we analyzed the spatial distribution and incidence risk of newborns with microcephaly in relation to socio-environmental indicators. Methods: We collected data from August 2015 through May 2016 from Brazil’s Live Birth Information System and Bulletin of Microcephaly Notification, and we geocoded the data by maternal residence. We constructed thematic maps of districts, according to socio-environmental and vector indicators. We identified spatial aggregates of newborns with microcephaly by using the Bernoulli model. We performed logistic regression analyses to compare the incidence risk of microcephaly within socio-environmental indicator groups. Results: We geocoded 17 990 of 19 554 (92.0%) live births in Recife, of which 202 (1.1%) newborns were classified as having microcephaly, based on a head circumference of ≥2 standard deviations below the mean. Larger proportions of newborns with microcephaly (compared with newborns without microcephaly) were born to mothers who delivered in a public hospital, did not attend college, were aged ≤19, or were black or mixed race. A higher risk of microcephaly (incidence rate ratio [IRR] = 3.90; 95% confidence interval [CI], 1.88-8.06) occurred in districts with the lowest (vs highest) Municipal Human Development Index (ie, an index that assesses longevity, education, and income). The risk of microcephaly was significantly higher where rates of larvae density (IRR = 2.31; 95% CI, 1.19-4.50) and larvae detection (IRR = 2.04; 95% CI, 1.05-4.00) were higher and rates of sewage system (IRR = 2.20; 95% CI, 1.16-4.18) and garbage collection (IRR = 1.96; 95% CI, 0.99-3.88) were lower. Newborns with microcephaly lived predominantly in the poorest areas and in a high-risk cluster (relative risk = 1.89, P = .01) in the north. Conclusions: The disproportionate incidence of microcephaly in newborns in poor areas of Recife reinforces the need for government and public health authorities to formulate policies that promote social equity and support for families and their children with microcephaly.


Author(s):  
Marli F. Weiner ◽  
Mazie Hough

This chapter examines physicians' efforts to understand various types of anomalous bodies. Southern physicians who recognized race, sex, and place as essential aspects of bodies had to acknowledge that these categories were not always precisely defined. People could move from the North or from Europe to the South or from one place to another within it. Although custom and law defined all slaves as black, medicine was aware that interracial sex led to many bodies that combined the blood and thus the characteristics of the two races. Far less common, but certainly compelling to doctors, were bodies that exhibited aspects of both male and female. Physicians determined to define what was normal believed that studying bodies that fell between categories could help them understand health and illness. This chapter explores how southern physicians addressed the intellectual dilemmas posed by bodies of mixed race and by the ambiguous nature of women's bodies. It also considers how physicians thought about the maternal influence on the health of the fetus during the course of pregnancy.


2003 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 511-535
Author(s):  
Kimberly J. Morse

When 22 Capuchin friars landed in Barcelona in 1843, they could not anticipate the troubles they faced in the years to come. As refugees from the Spanish Carlista wars, Gallegos and Catalans who did not even speak much Spanish, the friars must have been happy enough to serve a nation that did not want them dead—yet. In their contract with the Venezuelan government, the 22 Capuchin friars who labored in Venezuela'sOrientepromised to stay in Venezuela for at least ten years. In return, the Venezuelan government promised to pay them 400 pesos annually, to leave all spiritual matters in the hands of the missionaries, and to cede to the missionaries all authority in Indian mission matters.If only things worked out that well. The Capuchin friars found themselves inextricably bound in complex relationships of race and class, often intertwined with matters of land and labor. Poverty and politics (or the politics of poverty) did not allow clergy to use their position as parish priests to maintain any degree of neutrality in the tug of war between the white elite and the poor, primarily Indians, ex-slaves, and the mixed race descendants of all groups. To the contrary, poverty and politics made clergy important players in the ongoing high stakes game of chess between the elite and the masses.


2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (suppl 1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Fábio Chigres Kuschnir ◽  
Ricardo Queiroz Gurgel ◽  
Dirceu Solé ◽  
Eduardo Costa ◽  
Mara Morelo Rocha Felix ◽  
...  

ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE To describe the prevalence of asthma and physician-diagnosed asthma in Brazilian adolescents. METHODS Cross-sectional, national, school-based study with adolescents from 12 to 17 years old, participants in the Study of Cardiovascular Risks in Adolescents (ERICA). The study stratified the sample by region and grouped according to schools and classes with representativeness to the set of cities with more than 100,000 inhabitants of the Country, macro-regions, capitals, and Federal District. A questionnaire collected data through a self-filled in method. We calculated the prevalences and their confidence intervals of 95% (95%CI) according to sex, age group, type of school and skin color. RESULTS Between 2013 and 2014, 74,589 adolescents were evaluated, 55.3% of the female sex. The total prevalence of active asthma was of 13.1% (95%CI 12.1-13.9), being higher in girls (14.8%; 95%CI 13.7-16.0) when compared to boys (11.2%; 95%CI 10.3-12.2) in all geographical strata examined. It was also higher between students of private schools (15.9%; 95%CI 14.2-17.7) when compared to public ones (12.4%; 95%CI 11.4-13.4). It was higher in the Southeast region (14.5%; 95%CI 12.9-16.1), and in the city of Sao Paulo (16.7%; 95%CI 14.7-18.7). The lowest prevalence was observed in North region (9.7%; 95%CI 9.7-10.5), and in Teresina (6.3%; 95%CI 4.9-7.7). The prevalence of physician-diagnosed asthma was of 8.7% (95%CI 8.2-9.1); higher in the North region (13.5%; 95%CI 12.7-14.2), and in Porto Alegre (19.8%; 95%CI 17.5-22.3). It was lower in the Midwest (6.9%; 95%CI 6.0-7.8), and in Cuiaba (4.8%; 95%CI 3.8-5.9). We found no significant difference in the expression of this rate between the sexes, as well as in other variables evaluated by the study. CONCLUSIONS The prevalence of asthma in Brazilian adolescents is high. Rates of active asthma and physician-diagnosed asthma vary widely in different regions and capitals evaluated by the ERICA. These results may assist in the preparation of preventive programs and policies on health and a better understanding of the factors associated with asthma in this age group.


Author(s):  
Margaret M. Mulrooney

This chapter outlines the dramatic changes underway in Wilmington and in North Carolina during this period. Wilmington’s white elite actively embraced progress, becoming more and more pro-business and industry even as they maintained ties to agricultural production and plantation culture. At the same time, a white middle class emerged that included newcomers from the north and Europe as well as homegrown entrepreneurs. Industrial activity was not only integral to the port city’s development as a distinctive place, but it sparked spatial, social, economic, political, and cultural changes that helped free and enslaved blacks to resist their oppression. By 1850, the city’s most progressive, forward-thinking whites were struggling to maintain their supremacy and so they looked, ironically, to the past, especially remembrances of the colonial era as well as traditional modes of organized violence. During the stormy years of sectional crisis, southern rebellion, and Reconstruction, these efforts increased dramatically, but so did black Wilmingtonians’ use of similar methods to gain freedom and citizenship.


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