scholarly journals Systems Analysis as Infrastructural Knowledge

2019 ◽  
Vol 51 (S1) ◽  
pp. 204-227
Author(s):  
Eglė Rindzevičiūtė

This article explores the political effects of the development of systems analysis as a form of “infrastructural knowledge”—that is, as a form of knowledge concerned with infrastructure, and an infrastructure of knowledge—that contributed to internal dissensus among scientific experts in the Soviet Union. Systems expertise is largely missing from existing work on the history of Soviet infrastructure. The article analyzes the development of governmental, managerial, and industrial applications of systems analysis in the Soviet context, as well as the transfer of Soviet systems expertise to developing countries. It argues that systems analysis constitutes a form of infrastructural knowledge that enabled Soviet scientists to criticize governmental policies, particularly largescale, top-down infrastructure projects. This critique is interpreted as an expression of a new normativity about what constitutes good governance; it became particularly salient when Soviet scientists were facing infrastructural projects in the global South. Systems analysis, in this way, constituted an important intellectual resource for endogenous liberalization of the authoritarian regime.

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2020) ◽  
pp. 140-149
Author(s):  
Alexander V. Shekh ◽  

The attempt to remove from power in August 1991, M.S. Gorbachev actually marked the end of the history of the Soviet Union. The August events forced the peoples of the republics of the USSR to unite around republican elites who defended the achievements of perestroika. The socio-political situation in the Murmansk region in August 1991 is considered on the material of the regional press.It reflects a specific feature of those events in the region. Despite the differences in the positions of different groups of the population, in General, electoral support for the legitimate authorities was reflected. The highest degree of tension in the labor collectives of the region fell on the morning of August 21. The political elite of the region took a wait-and-see attitude. The Soviet authorities in one of the militarized regions of the country managed to prevent clashes, not to give reasons to the top leadership to enter troops in localities, and to declarea state of emergency in the region.


2009 ◽  
pp. 113-154

- The relations between Italy and the Ussr, almost absent after WWII began to grow during the years of détente. Their development offers useful insight on the long-term cleavages which led to the fall of the Soviet Union. The documents, published here for the first time, come from Rgani (State Archive of Contemporary History of the Russian Federation) and offer an outline of the crucial period in the mid-1960s. From them, it is possible to grasp the main elements of the Ussr's foreign policy towards Italy: the central role of an explorative diplomacy; a negative attitude towards the center-left governments; the close relations with the large Italian industrial groups; the lasting centrality of the political link with Pci; and, above all, the firm belief of the Kremlin leadership that the economic and cultural détente would have, in the long run, deep political effects. They were right; what they weren't able to predict is that they would be the losers.Key words: Cold War, Détente, European security, economic diplomacy, Center left governements, Cpsu/Cpi.Parole chiave: guerra fredda, distensione, sicurezza europea, diplomazia economica, governi di centrosinistra, Pcus/Pci.


Author(s):  
Mikhail Mints ◽  

This review article deals with a collection of essays published in «Europe-Asia Studies», vol. 71, N 6 (2019), the authors of which are analyzing Stalinism as a specific exemplar of state-building. Their research is based on various concepts of modern social sciences, especially on the theory of the developmental state. The authors show the new opportunities provided by such an approach and suggest the main directions of further study of the political history of the USSR from this point of view.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 136-147

The article focuses on the debates situation of post-soviet modernization and transformation of Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani economy failed to become a market economy, and remains instead predominantly based on the extraction and sale of oil and natural gas. Cities are being ruralised instead of the urbanization of rural areas. In its turn, industrialization ended together with the Soviet Union. A more or less tangible individualization and fragmentation of social life are not part of the history of post-Soviet Azerbaijan either. The political and economic systems of Azerbaijan are an imitation of a modern state. It is an example of a simulacrum state and a total imitation of modern political institutions and relations. In other words: The political regime in Azerbaijan is a complex of imitative practices, relations and “institutional camouflages” that enable a broad international presentation of Azerbaijan, effectively privatized by a small group of people, as a modern state that exists in reality.


Author(s):  
Aia Beraia

The article concerns the political history of the post-Soviet Georgian state. The new post-Soviet nation-state is being created and gradually transformed into a political economy of liberal democracy and neoliberal capitalism. In this transformation, Georgia moves away from the Soviet Union and its successor Russia and acquires European identity via the discourse and practices of national political and economic elites. The discursive production of this hegemonic pro-Western nationalism is intertwined with the production of hegemonic masculinities. This article analyzes the discourses of these elites and reveals three types of hegemonic masculinity, which acquire their meaning alongside and through the processes of national independence, militarization, and/or neoliberal reforms and policies. These new masculinities aim to replace old, Soviet, hegemonic masculinities in Georgia and thus, a new kind of hegemonic culture and patriarchy is being created. Further, the historical domination of pro-Western nationalism can be interpreted variously: while Georgia is open, nearly from the outset, to the Western-style political system (liberal democracy), one can also look to certain historical moments as the turning points when an active neoliberal transformation and (discursive) attainment of European identity began in Georgia. Keywords: nationalism; masculinities; hegemony; post-Soviet Georgia.


2018 ◽  
pp. 39-75
Author(s):  
Yu Kitamura ◽  
D Savelli

The article offers a detailed account of the first tour of a Kabuki troupe in theSoviet Union, commenting on its political and cultural significance. Kabuki performers were invited to theUSSRfor primarily political reasons: establishing contact between the two governments came first, and the tour was regarded as a success for Soviet diplomacy rather than an achievement of Japanese culture. However, the political hype soon subsided and more people realized the extraordinary significance of this tour for the history of the theatre. The tour became a nation-wide event. The authors cite numerous newspaper reviews of the Kabuki plays, as well as correspondence between politicians, who had anticipated a flop, but were amazed at the reaction of Soviet audiences to this Japanese ‘exoticism’ because the tour had been mostly targeted at the Japanese community. The latter saw the tour as a sign of the Soviets’ readiness for peaceful coexistence withJapan.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

The article presents an analysis of the Orange Revolution and its influence on the political system of Ukraine. Generally, the events of 2004 are perceived as a democratic breakthrough in the modern political history of this country. In reality it turned out to be a revolution only by name. Behind a democratic façade the socalled revolution turned into an act of disobedience of disappointed clannish and oligarchic structures to the former president, Leonid Kuchma. The international observers had an impression, that Ukrainian events were a continuation of the democratization processes started by the fall of the Soviet Union. The article seeks answers to the questions concerning the true nature of the events of 2004 in Kiev, how were they influenced by the post-soviet experiences of the Ukrainian state and society, and finally was the Orange Revolution truly a step toward democratization of the post-soviet space?


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