“Bread and Roses”

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-100
Author(s):  
Tom Juravich

This paper traces the history of the song “Bread and Roses” to examine labor culture and the role of song in the labor movement. In the late 1930s and early 1940s, “Bread and Roses” was included in several of the first generation song books produced by unions that reflected an expansive and inclusive labor culture closely connected with the Left. With the ascendance of business unionism and the blacklisting of the Left after the war, labor culture took a heavy blow, and labor songbooks became skeletons of the full-bodied versions they had once been. Unions began to see singing not as part of the process of social change but as a vehicle to bring people together, and songs such as “Bread and Roses” and other more class-based songs were jettisoned in favor of a few labor standards and American sing-along songs. “Bread and Roses” was born anew to embody a central concept in the women’s movement and rode the wave of new music, art, and film that were part of new social movements and new constituencies that challenged business unionism and reshaped union culture in the 1980s.

Author(s):  
Stefan Collini

This chapter argues that accounts of ‘the reading public’ are always fundamentally historical, usually involving stories of ‘growth’ or ‘decline’. It examines Q. D. Leavis’s Fiction and the Reading Public, which builds a relentlessly pessimistic critique of the debased standards of the present out of a highly selective account of literature and its publics since the Elizabethan period. It goes on to exhibit the complicated analysis of the role of previous publics in F. R. Leavis’s revisionist literary history, including his ambivalent admiration for the great Victorian periodicals. And it shows how Richard Hoggart’s The Uses of Literacy carries an almost buried interpretation of social change from the nineteenth century onwards, constantly contrasting the vibrant and healthy forms of entertainment built up in old working-class communities with the slick, commercialized reading matter introduced by post-1945 prosperity.


Author(s):  
John Danaher

Human societies have, historically, undergone a number of moral revolutions. Some of these have been precipitated by technological changes. Will the integration of robots into our social lives precipitate a new moral revolution? In this keynote, I will look at the history of moral revolutions and the role of techno-social change in facilitating those revolutions. I will examine the structural properties of human moral systems and how those properties might be affected by social robots. I will argue that much of our current social morality is agency-centric and that social robots, as non-standard agents, will disrupt that model.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-383
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Portella

Abstract “Philosophers,” Dewey writes, “are parts of history, caught in its movement; creators perhaps in some measure of its future, but also assuredly creatures of its past” (Dewey 1927, 2). The question of the philosopher’s embeddedness in either her own or some earlier historical moment constitutes an important theme in Dewey’s account of pragmatism, in particular his account of politics. In lieu of a formal treatise on history, this paper focuses on Dewey’s claims about history as they are enacted in his political analyses. Drawing on texts such as Liberalism and Social Action (1935) and Freedom and Culture (1939) as well “The Role of Philosophy in the History of Civilization” (1927), I hope to elucidate in greater depth the function and meaning of the term “historic relativity” as a central concept in Dewey’s philosophy of history (Dewey 1935, 42). Further, I evaluate Dewey’s criticisms of both classical liberalism and Marxism on historical grounds, where he employs what I call political obsolescence claims. From these texts I reconstruct and critically assess what I refer to as Dewey’s implicit philosophy of history. I conclude that the presuppositions of Dewey’s political reconstruction represent the very mode of uncritical historical reproduction which his philosophy ostensibly cautions against. To suggest one possibility for addressing these tensions, I gesture toward non-coincidence as a critical historical category through which we might articulate the historic present with the hope of transforming it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Qing Liang Meng

Unlike the previous two translation waves in the history of China, the third translation wave beginning from LateQing period can be seen as a cross-cultural communication under confrontation and conflict between China andwestern powers. Missionaries and government officials from western powers, institutions affiliated to government,and social activists were actively engaged in various translation activities for their respective purposes by means ofcooperation, which had not only promoted western learning in China and facilitated Chinese social movements andreform, but finally brought the Qing Dynasty to an end in the Chinese Revolution of 1911. This paper aims toexplore the facilitating role of translation in social movements and reforms in China during the time of the Late QingDynasty from Skopos Theory Perspective, in order to show that translators as social activists can not only promoteintercultural communication, but also push forward social changes and help nation building. This translation wave ischaracterized by urgency, purposefulness and practicality, and played the role of enlightening people, spreadingwestern learning and facilitating revolution.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.


2011 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 455-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Herrera ◽  
John Markoff

Scholars of Spain's democratic transition vary considerably in the role they attribute to movements. Spanish democratization is widely known for its successful elite negotiations and some describe it as an instance of democratization from above. For others it is a case of social movement activism creating problems for those elites negotiating the democratization process. Among those social movements, the least studied took place in the Spanish countryside. Rural movements played a role well beyond the standard accounts in two important ways. First, they challenged significant obstacles to democratization that elite deals had left in place at the local level. And, second, the local arena had major implications for the national scene. We trace the history of four rural campaigns that were a pivotal component of Spanish democratization. We conclude with some general observations on the role of social movements in imparting a dynamic character to democracy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Patric Clair

The purpose of the present study is to conceptualize engagement as both theoretical and methodological in relation to social movements. Theoretically, engagement is seen as central to activism and is addressed as a complex ontological and teleological phenomenon in relation to social movements. Methodologically, engagement is addressed in terms of (a) the role of the researcher, (b) the perspective espoused by the researcher, (c) how and why the researcher enters into and enacts with the cultural phenomenon, (d) how the researcher tends to the subjects and (e) how the researcher presents the story. This methodological approach is referred to as engaged ethnography. The main story (and history) of the contemporary antisweatshop movement as well as embedded stories of the movement, especially as they unfold at Purdue University (e.g., stories of the researcher’s background, and stories surrounding various strategies like, hunger strikes, bringing activists from the Dominican Republic to campus, and giving yellow roses to the president, or not) are provided and discussed according to the concept of engagement.


1987 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 613-642 ◽  
Author(s):  
Baffour Agyeman-Duah

The history of the past three decades in Africa would seem to confirm that the rôle of the military in political and economic development may no longer be considered transient. Armed interventions have become institutionalised, if not constitutionalised, in many African states. By December 1985 no less than 60 successful and 71 attempted coups d'état had occurred in 37 states since January 1956.1 Just as most of the first generation of African politicians chose ‘socialism’ to explain and justify their policies, so ‘revolution’ has become the rallying cry for the military leaders, even though they have often quickly been content just to ‘take over’, and not to transform, the previous civilian régime.


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