scholarly journals Gita Philosophy and its Influence on Nepali Politics

2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-178
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

The people of Nepal have witnessed different political movements in the political history of Nepal. The political movements are influenced by different philosophies. Gita philosophy as well has marked distinct impact in the politics of Nepal. The people of Nepal had to bear a lot of injustice, oppression and exploitation during Rana rule. Although the governments prior to Rana rule were also not so much democratic, to some extent they were directed to public welfare. At the time of Rana rule there had taken place many reformations in global politics, but Nepali people were denied off very common citizen rights. So, there was a need for a democratic movement in Nepal. In the campaigns for democratic movements then, there was a very significant impact of Gita philosophy. It is found from this study that four martyrs of 1997BS and founder leaders of Nepali Congress and Nepal Communist Party were influenced by the ideas of Gita philosophy and the general public has a great faith on the Gita philosophy. Gita philosophy has formed the foundations for the democratic movement in Nepal. And even after the establishment of democracy in Nepal, there were series of political changes in Nepal. And in the revolutions or campaigns for restoration of democracy or for the republic, there has been a role of different political leaders and as many of the first-generation leaders are still in active politics, we can find direct or indirect influence of Gita philosophy in Nepalese politics. Though the later generations of leadership seem to have less knowledge about Gita, their activities and the political interests matched with the principles of Gita philosophy.

2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hou Yuxin

Abstract The Wukan Incident attracted extensive attention both in China and around the world, and has been interpreted from many different perspectives. In both the media and academia, the focus has very much been on the temporal level of the Incident. The political and legal dimensions, as well as the implications of the Incident in terms of human rights have all been pored over. However, what all of these discussions have overlooked is the role played by religious force during the Incident. The village of Wukan has a history of over four hundred years, and is deeply influenced by the religious beliefs of its people. Within both the system of religious beliefs and in everyday life in the village, the divine immortal Zhenxiu Xianweng and the religious rite of casting shengbei have a powerful influence. In times of peace, Xianweng and casting shengbei work to bestow good fortune, wealth and longevity on both the village itself, and the individuals who live there. During the Wukan Incident, they had a harmonizing influence, and helped to unify and protect the people. Looking at the specific roles played by religion throughout the Wukan Incident will not only enable us to develop a more meaningful understanding of the cultural nature and the complexity of the Incident itself, it will also enrich our understanding, on a divine level, of innovations in social management.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-151
Author(s):  
Risma Widiawati

Bone Regency as part of South Sulawesi is a very interesting area to discuss. This area is not only part of the history of South Sulawesi, but also a historical flow of South Sulawesi. the existence of nobles who are so attached to the joints of the lives of the people of Bone is still interesting to be examined to this day. Based on this, the article aims to reveal the role of Bone nobility in the swapraja government system to the regency (1950 - 1960). The political development of the government during this period was seen as sufficiently influencing the political dynamics of the government in Bone Regency which continued even today. The method used is the method of historical research with four stages, namely, heuristics, criticism (history), interpretation, and presentation (historiography). The results of the study show that after the transition from swapraja to regency, the role of nobility is still very calculated. But it is no longer like in the period before the transition, where the government was ruled by the king / aristocracy. At this time the level of intelligence is also taken into account. Apart from the fact that the structure of the government is indeed different because the process of appointing head of government is also different. But in general the role of nobility after the transition was not much different, where there were still many nobles holding power. ABSTRAK Kabupaten Bone sebagai bahagian dari Sulawesi Selatan merupakan suatu daerah yang sangat menarik untuk dibicarakan. Daerah ini bukan saja merupakan bagian dari sejarah Sulawesi Selatan, tetapi juga merupakan arus sejarah Sulawesi Selatan. keberadaan bangsawan yang begitu melekat di dalam sendi kehidupan masyarakat Bone masih menarik untuk ditelisik sampai hari ini. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengungkapkan tentang peranan bangsawan Bone dalam sistem pemerintahan swapraja ke kabupaten (1950 – 1960). Perkembangan politik dari pemerintahan selama periode ini dipandang cukup mempengaruhi dinamika politik dari pemerintahan di Kabupaten Bone yang berlangsung bahkan sampai sekarang. Metode yang digunakan adalah adalah metode penelitian sejarah dengan empat tahapan yaitu, heuristik, kritik (sejarah), intrepretasi, dan penyajian (historiografi). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa setelah peralihan dari swapraja ke kabupaten, peranan bangsawan masih sangat diperhitungkan. Namun tidak lagi seperti pada masa sebelum peralihan, di mana pemerintahan dikuasai oleh raja/aristokrasi. Pada masa ini tingkat kecerdasan juga diperhitungkan. Selain karena struktur pemerintahannya memang berbeda juga karena proses pengangkatan kepala pemerintahan juga berbeda. Namun secara umum peran bangsawan setelah masa peralihan tidak jauh berbeda, di mana masih banyak bangsawan yang memegang kekuasaan.


2009 ◽  
Vol 68 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Ocko ◽  
David Gilmartin

This paper uses the concept of the “rule of law” to compare Qing China and British India. Rather than using the rule of law instrumentally, the paper embeds it in the histories of state power and sovereignty in China and India. Three themes, all framed by the rule of law and the rule of man as oppositional yet paradoxically intertwined notions, organize the paper's comparisons: the role of a discourse of law in simultaneously legitimizing and constraining the political authority of the state; the role of law and legal procedures in shaping and defining society; and the role of law in defining an economic and social order based on contract, property, and rights. A fourth section considers the implications of these findings for the historical trajectories of China and India in the twentieth century. Taking law as an instrument of power and an imagined realm that nonetheless also transcended power and operated outside its ambit, the paper seeks to broaden the history of the “rule of law” beyond Euro-America.


2009 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ran Hirschl

AbstractOne of the fascinating yet seldom explored phenomena in predominantly religious polities in the Middle East and elsewhere is the growing reliance on constitutional courts and their jurisprudential ingenuity to contain the spread of religiosity or advance a pragmatic version of it. In this article, I explore the scope and nature of this phenomenon. I proceed in several main steps. First, I define what may be termed "constitutional theocracy" with its often conflicting legal commitments, political interests, and social realities. Second, I examine the main epistemological, juridical and political reasons why constitutional law and courts are so appealing to secularist, modernist, cosmopolitan, and other non-religious social forces in polities facing deep divisions along secular/religious lines. Third, I look at various modes of interpretive ingenuity drawn upon by constitutional courts in Egypt, Pakistan, Israel, and Turkey in order to contain, limit, and mitigate the resurgence of religiosity in their respective polities. All of these countries have experienced a growth in the influence of religious political movements, with a commensurate increase in the levels of popular support that they receive. Despite the considerable differences in these countries' formal recognition of, and commitment to, religious values, there are, however, some striking parallels in the way that the constitutional courts in these (and in other similarly situated countries) have positioned themselves as important secularizing forces within their respective societies. I conclude by drawing some general lessons concerning the political construction of judicial review and the secularizing role of constitutional courts in an increasingly religious world.


Author(s):  
Luis Fernando De Carvalho Sousa

O pensamento maquiaveliano é motivo de disputas e controvérsias entre diversos pesquisadores. Esses embates, geralmente, giram em torno das interpretações de posições políticas e implicações de conceitos utilizados pelo autor. O presente artigo buscou compreender a questão do conflito na república maquiaveliana e seus atores, visando apontar o papel do povo no conflito e a função que Maquiavel lhe atribui como um dos principais agentes na manutenção em promoção da liberdade dentro do regime republicano proposto pelo filósofo. Tal elemento aparece como um dos principais agentes na manutenção e promoção do regime democrático. Nesse sentido, tornam-se elementos fundamentais para se entender as disputas políticas na república. Por meio de uma pesquisa bibliográfica o artigo buscou compreender essa relação conflituosa que se dá dentro do ambiente republicano e concluiu que embora havendo divergências em torno das disposições dentro da república o papel de solucioná-las cabe sempre às instituições.Palavras-chave: Maquiavel; Conflito; Liberdade; República; Povo.THE CONFLICT AS A PROMOTER OF FREEDOM IN THE MACHIAVELLIAN REPUBLICABSTRACTThe Machiavellian thinking is cause of disputes and controversies between several researchers. These conflicts usually revolve around the interpretation of political positions and implications of concepts used by the author. This article seeks to understand the issue of conflict in the Machiavellian republic and its actors, aiming to identify the role of the people in the conflict and the role that Machiavelli attributes to it as one of the key players in maintaining in promoting freedom within the republican regime proposed by the philosopher. This element appears as one of the key players in the maintenance and promotion of democracy. In this sense, become key elements to understand the political disputes in the republic. Through a bibliographical research the article sought to understand this conflicting relationship that takes place within the republican environment and concluded that although there are divergences around the dispositions within the republic the role of resolving them always rests with the institutions.Keywords: Machiavelli; Conflict; Freedom; Republic; People.EL CONFLICTO COMO UN PROMOTOR DE LA LIBERTAD EN LA REPÚBLICA MAQUIAVÉLIANARESUMEN El pensamiento maquiavélico es causa de conflictos y controversias entre varios investigadores. Estos conflictos por lo general giran en torno a la interpretación de las posiciones políticas e implicaciones de los conceptos utilizados por el autor. En este artículo se busca entender el tema del conflicto en la república maquiavélica y sus actores, con el objetivo de identificar el papel del pueblo en los conflictos y el papel que Maquiavelo atribuye a él como uno de los jugadores clave en el mantenimiento en la promoción de la libertad dentro del régimen republicano propuesto por el filósofo. Este elemento aparece como uno de los jugadores clave en el mantenimiento y promoción de la democracia. En este sentido, se convierten en elementos clave para entender los conflictos políticos en la república. A través de un artículo de revisión de la literatura tuvo como objetivo comprender esta relación de confrontación que tiene lugar dentro del entorno republicano y concluyó que, aunque existe desacuerdo sobre las disposiciones en función de la república para resolverlos siempre recae en las instituciones.Palabras clave: Maquiavelo; El Conflicto; La Libertad; La República; Pueblo.


2021 ◽  
Vol 83 ◽  
pp. 155-178
Author(s):  
Uldis Krēsliņš ◽  

In August 1991, the Republic of Latvia took over the documents of the former Latvian SSR KGB, including the card index of KGB agents. At that time, by postponing the card index publication, the political authorities made the issue of former KGB agents a hostage of their political interests. Discussion on the fate of the card index continued in Latvian public sphere over the next 27 years. The stance of the political elite, which found support in some groups of society, was opposed to the publication of the card index, being concerned about a possible witch-hunt and psychological trauma of the people mentioned in the card index as well as their relatives. However, as a result of public pressure, after lengthy indecision, the card index was made public in December 2018. Unfortunately, the publication of the card index has offered only a formal solution to the issue of the former KGB agents, and the expected results have been achieved from the aspect of neither historical truth nor public reconciliation. Only a small number of people mentioned in the card index have admitted the fact of their cooperation and just a few have expressed public regret. In turn, after 27 years of political elite’s hesitancy, most of the KGB persecution victims accepted the publication of the card index in silence. However, it is clear that denial and silence are not the way to public reconciliation and comprehension of trauma. Those few attempts to make one’s experience public show that in today’s situation people can seek reconciliation only with themselves and within themselves.


2013 ◽  
Vol 28 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Ram Krishna Tiwari

This paper deals with the political development of Nepal and its history of armed conflict. The formation of Nepali nation-state is not very long, again throughout its political history Nepal remained an independent country, but this country experienced a decade long political conflict from 1996 to 2006. The failure of political change of 1951 and 1990 prepared a political ground for the official beginning the People’s War, and after 2006 the country is moving into the path of peace process. Similarly, the formation of political parties has not a long history compared it with the beginning of democratic movement in India, China and other countries of the world. The poor political vision of the political leaders failed to institutionalize the political change of Nepal, and now the ongoing peace process of Nepal should erase all the weaknesses and conclude it for building prosperous nation.


1997 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 510-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. S. Richardson

The origins and nature of the judicial role of the senate in cases which under the republic were the business of the permanentquaestioneshave been the subject of long debate, and a satisfactory explanation has yet to be found for the change that had undoubtedly taken place by the reign of Tiberius. The discovery and publication of the senatorial decree which concluded the investigation into the charge brought in A.D. 20 against Cn. Piso following the murder of Germanicus,2 in addition to the wealth of new material it provides for the political history of the period and the understanding of the methods of the historian Tacitus, allows an insight into the relation of the senate to thequaestio maiestatiswhich may prove useful in unravelling some of the puzzles which have troubled scholars hitherto.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-526
Author(s):  
Archpriest Timofey Fetisov ◽  

The article is devoted to the consideration of the place and role of the political factor as an instrument of Divine Providence, realized in the Sacred history of the biblical state. The exodus from Egypt became a manifestation of the supernatural political power of God. The Decalogue was not only a religious and ethical code, but also the actual constitution of the Hebrew state. Fulfillment of the Ten Commandments, brought down by Moses, and obedience to God went beyond the scope of religious duty, being a means of realizing national identity and citizenship. The establishment of the institution of the kingdom in Israel was the development of the idea of a theocracy, in which the monarch was assigned the sacred function of an intermediary between God and the people, and the keeper of Divine laws. The disintegration of the statehood of Israel in the prophetic writings was closely associated with the fall of the entire people and the breakdown of the union with God. Its revival was expected as a result of repentance. The destruction of the temple, the loss of shrines and the fall of the monarchy were perceived as a coherent phenomenon. At the same time, the hope for political liberation of the people and the restoration of the union with God were closely linked with the reconstruction of the monarchy, which acquired a religious and messianic significance. The opposition of the Pharisees to Christ and the death sentence to the Savior had a pronounced political implication.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 18-35
Author(s):  
Girdhari Dahal

Nepal was declared Federal Democratic Republic after the mass movement of 2006, which was institutionalized by the Constitution of Nepal promulgated through Constitutional Assembly (CA) in 2015. The Constitution of Nepal is the people’s constitution. It was a dream of people to draft their constitution from CA since 1951. Nepal has a long history of democratic movements. Democratic movements in Nepal started from the period of autocratic Rana regime back in 1940s. Nepal Praja Parisad (the first political party of Nepal) had started organized democratic movement in Nepal. Thereafter many democratic movements and revolutions took place for the establishment of federal democratic republic Nepal. Democracy and good governance are closely interrelated to one another. Democracy is called the rule of law. Legitimate government, transparent rule, accountability to the people, free and fair election, independent judiciary, and fundamental rights and duties of the people are the essential elements of good governance as well as democracy. The main objective of this paper is to explore democratic movements and the concept of good governance in Nepal. The paper also tries to analyze the role of democratic movements for democracy and the relation between democracy and good governance in Nepal.Journal of Political Science. Vol. 17, 2017, Page: 18-35


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