scholarly journals The public action languages approach to public affairs

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (70) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Kevin Spink

<p><em>Este artigo parte da observação feita por autores envolvidos com diferentes aspectos das ações públicas, uma vez que o Estado não é sinônimo de assuntos públicos.  Do ponto de vista policêntrico, no qual o público ou públicos são atores-chave e independentes, questiona-se o papel central que a política pública supostamente assumiu na articulação da discussão e provisão de bens e serviços públicos. O artigo adota uma perspectiva histórica da emergência da política pública na língua inglesa em diferentes momentos e focaliza três períodos reconhecidos como aqueles nos quais as democracias anglófonas deram passos significativos para a ampliação da agenda de debate dos assuntos públicos: o New Deal de Roosevelt, 1933; o Governo do Partido Trabalhista britânico, 1945, e as administrações Johnson (1963-1968). Em todos esses casos, houve inovações muito práticas no tratamento de questões muito difíceis, mas com muito pouca – se houve – discussão de política pública. Considerando que fala e ação andam juntas, quais outras linguagens sociais (para usar o termo de Bakhtin, 1986) estavam disponíveis? Ao apontar que elas eram muitas, das quais a maior parte continua presente e bastante ativa hoje, o artigo questiona a centralidade e inevitabilidade da política pública e propõe abordar linguagens de ação pública para o estudo dos assuntos públicos. </em></p>

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (5) ◽  
pp. 102
Author(s):  
Luiz Antonio Miguel Ferreira ◽  
Flávia Maria De Barros Nogueira

<p>Este artigo analisa a relação do Plano Nacional de Educação com a escola, em especial, os reflexos que produz como políticas públicas em seu cotidiano. Também analisa a questão de sua judicialidade e suas consequências. Aborda o papel do Ministério Público como protagonista de ações que busquem a concretização dos planos, com a fiscalização dos prazos previstos, das metas, das estratégias e dos direitos assegurados. Com a constatação da falha, a negociação articulada e/ou a indução para a efetivação de política pública específica deve ser o caminho a seguir. O trabalho enfatiza que a participação de todos redunda do modelo democrático assumido pelo País e previsto constitucionalmente. Entretanto, essa participação tem outro efeito: o princípio do pertencimento da coisa pública.</p><p> </p><p><strong>ABSTRACT</strong></p><p> </p><p>This article analyzes the relationship of the National Education Plan with the school, especially the reflexes that produces as public policies in their daily lives. It also examines the question of its judicialidade and its consequences. Addresses the role of the public prosecution as the protagonist of actions that seek to achieve the plans, with the supervision of deadlines, goals, strategies and guaranteed rights. With a finding of failure to articulate negotiation and / or induction to the execution of specific public policy should be the way forward. It emphasizes that the participation of all redounds to the democratic model assumed by the country and set out constitutionally. But this participation has another effect: the principle of public affairs belonging.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>: Educational policies. Right to Education. Legalization of Education. Participation.</p><p> </p>


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Ronald Q. Frederickson ◽  
H. George Frederickson

The authors have selected a few Nemerov poems they judge to be "public"--poems that will interest persons in public affairs-government, politics, and public administration.


Author(s):  
David Holland

This chapter considers the complex relationship between secularization and the emergence of new religious movements. Drawing from countervailing research, some of which insists that new religious movements abet secularizing processes and some of which sees these movements as disproving the secularization thesis, the chapter presents the relationship as inherently unstable. To the extent that new religious movements maintain a precarious balance of familiarity and foreignness—remaining familiar enough to stretch the definitional boundaries of religion—they contribute to secularization. However, new religious movements frequently lean to one side or other of that median, either promoting religious power in the public square by identifying with the interests of existing religious groups, or emphasizing their distinctiveness from these groups and thus provoking aggressive public action by the antagonized religious mainstream. This chapter centres on an illustrative case from Christian Science history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-119
Author(s):  
Karol Franczak

Abstract One of the main goals of contemporary media, along with the experts and professionals, who speak in them, has been to explain complex issues and provide the audience with clear descriptions of social reality. This is mostly achieved by the production of ideologically useful interpretative schemes that facilitate understanding of the issues present on the media agenda. An important strategy of shaping the public opinion in the way in which public affairs and the activity of social life participants is framed. Analyses of such practices have been conducted for over thirty years within various research approaches collectively referred to as framing analysis. This research provides several arguments helping one to develop a more critical perspective on the representations of social phenomena dominant in the media and discourses of symbolic elites (e.g. opinion writers, academics, experts, journalists, politicians), along with the analyses of the origin of such phenomena, moral judgements and preferred "corrective policies". One of the phenomena defined by the media in Europe as the most important one for the past several years, is the so-called "New Right". The aim of the paper is to analyse the interpretative schemes used by the journalists of four Polish opinion-forming weeklies and to describe the activity of its German manifestation – the Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident (Pegida) social movement and the Alternative for Germany party (AfD).


2002 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. STEPHEN WEATHERFORD

The concept of critical realignment has shaped much of the thinking of political scientists and historians about the processes and patterns of change in American politics. Research on re-alignment has, however, tended to focus on successful cases and to concentrate on the electoral breakpoints rather than the process of regime formation, with the result that little systematic thinking has been devoted to the question of why some electoral upheavals lead to party realignment while other large vote shifts do not. This article begins from the proposition that the election does not so much constitute the realignment as offer the opportunity and the momentum for the new party to build a lasting national coalition. Whether the party capitalizes on this potential depends on processes and events that follow the critical election, during what could be called the ‘consolidation phase’ of the realignment. The question is ultimately one about public opinion, but the concept of consolidation needs to take in the interaction between the public and political elites, since mass opinion is formed in the context of elite initiatives and interpretations. The model of consolidation depicts two interrelated processes. The first involves strategic competition among elites, including elected officials and organized societal interests, who frame the conflict, by prioritizing issues and cleavages, and by relating policy proposals to group identities and widely-shared values. The second focuses on the public. Their standing loyalties disrupted by the crisis and the incumbents' inability to deal with it successfully, citizens engage in a process of experiential search as they seek to re-establish the stable political orientation given by attachment to a political party. The article draws on qualitative and quantitative information from the New Deal to illustrate the model of consolidation.


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