scholarly journals Χειραγώγηση και ριζοσπαστικοποίηση

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Γεωργία Μπακάλη

The present PhD thesis, based on new archival documents and sources, attemptsa new approach to the tobacco workers issue (kapnergatiko zitima) and the social strugglesof the tobacco workers (kapnergates) of Eastern Macedonia, Greece, during 1919-1936. The research focuses on this particular region, where the finest varieties of orientaltobacco were produced and processed in the tobacco firms (kapnomagaza), according tothe thorough classic commercial processing. The thesis focuses on the local experience aswell as the similarities and differences between the local experience and the experience ofthe tobacco workers of other tobacco towns (kapnoupoleis) of the country. It is supportedthat the tobacco workers movement was an expression of political protest originatingfrom the changes in the processing method. This protest is attributed to a combinationof factors, such as the political formation of the working class, the particular ideologicaland political orientation of the tobacco workers’ leadership, the state’s political discourseand its politics regarding the working class. The factors contributing to the developmentof class consciousness among the workers during the period from the Liberals’ (Fileleftheroi)rise to power (1910-1920) to the founding of the General Confederation ofGreek Workers (Geniki Synomospondia Ergaton tis Ellados) and the Socialist WorkersParty of Greece (Sosialistiko Ergatiko Komma Ellados) (1918) are studied, along withtheir contribution to the development of the labour movement and the tobacco workersmovement. The trade union and professional structure of the tobacco workers, especiallythe role of the skilled labour (denkçi) in the production process, as well as the socialistorientation of the heads of the unions who worked in the tobacco processing centers ofEastern Macedonia are discussed and stressed as the determining elements of the outburstof the workers’ struggles. The different phases of the tobacco workers issue are analyzed,regarding their demand to stop the exportation of unprocessed tobacco. The issue wasaddressed immediately after World War I by the workers who went on general strike in1919. Although it was centered around the fine tobaccos of Eastern Macedonia, it soonbecame an issue that affected all tobacco workers of Greece, thus turning into a class issue.During 1924-1925, there were protests and other forms of violent struggle, led by theCommunist Party of Greece (Kommounistiko Komma Ellados), including the obstructionof unprocessed tobacco exportation, the destruction of tobacco bales and violent clasheswith the authorities. This was a struggle against capital and a defence against the attacks of the bourgeois state. The large-scale strikes of 1927 and 1928 occurred in a time ofrivalry between the two tobacco trade unions, the communist and the conservative one,and had largely political motives. The underlying cause was the communists’ reactionagainst the state’s attempt to divide and manipulate trade unions, which were up to thencontrolled by the communists. These attempts caused disorder within the trade unions aswell as violations of political and trade union freedoms. The struggles for the prohibitionof unprocessed tobacco exportation contributed to the radicalization of the tobacco workers,who were continuously defending their political and trade union freedoms, whichwere violated by the various governments, culminating in the establishment of the Idionymonlaw in 1929. The exports of the renowned fine tobaccos of Eastern Macedoniastarted to decline during the 1930s due to the international financial crisis. At the sametime, the simplest commercial processing (tonga) was gradually imposed resulting in thedecline in the tobacco workers’ financial status. The impoverished workers were urged tospontaneous uprisings without the political and ideological leadership of the CommunistParty. The mobilizations called for “Food. Employment” and also caused the uprising ofagriculturalists and urban professionals who were disappointed by the bourgeois parties,thus embracing the entire people. The participation in the large-scale general strike inMay 1936 and the massive protests against the government’s actions to find a solution tothe problem indicated that social and political awareness were substantially increased.

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Paolo Farneti

The problem of ‘tutelage’ of trade unions by political parties in italy must be seen against a background of: the structural conditions of the labour market (where trade unions are active) and those of the ‘political market’ (where parties are active) as masses for manoeuvre used to attain certain aims; the characteristics of the leadership of the trade unions and those of the political parties; the ‘styles of leadership’ (including the conduct of conflict) by trade union and party leaders.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-230
Author(s):  
Michael Hanagan

The process of proletarianization and its role in the shaping of working class consciousness has captured the attention of French social historians over the last ten years. Until recently, works on French labor history generally neglected the formation of the working class to concentrate on the origins of national working-class parties or trade unions; thus, general histories of the political ‘workers’ movement' abound, to the detriment of occupational or regional studies. As early as 1971, Rolande Trempé's thèse asserted that the transition from godfearing peasant to socialistic proletarian had only just begun when a man put down his hoe and took up a pickaxe. In Les mineurs de Carmaux, Trempé showed the evolving social and political conditions which led coalminers in southwestern France to espouse trade unionism and socialism. The recently published thése of Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la region lyonnaise, provides another benchmark in the study of nineteenth-century working class history. Lequin reveals that, for the pre-1914 period in the Lyonnais region of France, the dynamics of proletarianization were more important in promoting worker militancy than its end result, the appearance of an industrial proletariat.


1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Brown

Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.


1991 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angel Smith

SUMMARYThe article deals with the development of Catalan cotton textile trade unionism between 1890 and 1914. It has been argued that, given the economic difficulties which faced the cotton textile industry, employers were anxious to cut labour costs and unwilling to negotiate with trade unions. Between 1889 and 1891, therefore, they launched an attack on trade-union organisation within the industry. In many rural areas they were able to impose their will with relatively little difficulty. In urban Catalonia, however, they faced stiffer opposition. The state's response to labour unrest was not uniform. Nevertheless, at crucial moments the authorities supported the mill owners' assaults on labour organisation. The result was to radicalise the cotton textile labour force. This could be seen in the growing influence of socialists and anarchists in the textile unions' ranks, and in the increasing willingness of the textile workers to use general strike tactics.


1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.


1990 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Foster

SUMMARYThe record of strike activity on Clydeside is used to explore the interaction between workplace organisation and political attitudes in working-class communities, focussing in particular upon the shipyard labour force in the years immediately preceding the 1919 General Strike. The findings are used to question research by Iain McLean which minimised the political significance of industrial militancy during the period of the Red Clyde and that by Alastair Reid, which argued that the main consequences of wartime industrial experience were to strengthen social democratic perspectives. It is suggested that a limited but significant radicalisation did occur and that this was related to the specific labour relations practices of employers in the west of Scotland and the structural weakness of Clydeside's economy.


1990 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 8-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Miller

Stress management programmes for trade union officials still remain underdeveloped. This article seeks to highlight some of the methodological problems in trying to mount such programmes within the political context of contemporary trade unionism. The author argues that a much more “holistic” approach towards the “management of discontent” is necessary.


Author(s):  
David Evans

Breakaway unions have been a feature of labour organisation since the dawn of trade unionism. Despite this long history, the historiography of the subject remains undeveloped. The process of breaking away from an established union and setting up a rival organisation can be triggered by a range of impulses and inducements, fostered by both progressive and reactionary forces. On one level they can be considered a product of intra-union conflict, but a fuller understanding comes from viewing breakaways in the context of the broader economic and political circumstances in which they are embedded. The systematic remapping of the political and industrial relations landscape during the neoliberal epoch has brought into question the pluralist assumptions that have traditionally underpinned the notion of breakaway unions. Building from a historically-contingent approach, this chapter contends that the ideological onslaught unions have faced since the 1980s has encouraged division among union members and the breakaways that have emerged have generally given voice to a more moderate approach, sometimes couched in a ‘non-political’ narrative. In shining a light on the reasons behind these ideologically-motivated breakaways, this chapter contributes to the knowledge of this important but neglected area of trade union history.


Author(s):  
Regine A. Spector

This chapter is the first of two chapters to examine the creation of order at Dordoi bazaar in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. This chapter examines efforts by traders at Dordoi bazaar to unite in more sustained and institutionalized ways to defend their common interests against bazaar owners and government officials, and generate creative ways to solve problems related to bazaar property and other conflicts. They did this by imbuing new meanings into Soviet-era understandings of trade unions and adapting practices within this organizational form to meet the needs of the marketizing context. The chapter demonstrates that a certain order at the bazaar resulted from the political work of trade union participants. This chapter finds trade unions to be neither weak nor coopted in this market context; rather traders used, reshaped, and adapted them in a new capitalist environment.


2000 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-629 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Valkenburg ◽  
Harry Coenen

This contribution deals with the question of the existence of 'working poor' in the Netherlands. The rest of the world tends to see the Netherlands as a success story. It is against this background that we investigate whether there are people in the Netherlands that are in paid employment, but are nevertheless confronted with problems of poverty. The statistical data available at the macro-level give clear indications of the existence of 'working poor'. In the light of this fact, the issue of the 'working poor' should be given a more prominent place on the political and trade union agenda. The trade unions, in particular, should play a far more active role. They should make more detailed studies of the problem, taking as their starting point the day-to-day experience of those affected, and should design measures that are commensurate with the interests of these people.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document