The Troubled Partnership: Trade Unions and Working-class Parties in Italy, 1948-78

1978 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 416-436
Author(s):  
Paolo Farneti

The problem of ‘tutelage’ of trade unions by political parties in italy must be seen against a background of: the structural conditions of the labour market (where trade unions are active) and those of the ‘political market’ (where parties are active) as masses for manoeuvre used to attain certain aims; the characteristics of the leadership of the trade unions and those of the political parties; the ‘styles of leadership’ (including the conduct of conflict) by trade union and party leaders.

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Brown

Comparatively little of a scholarly nature has been written about Indonesian trade unions, particularly on the two decades from 1945 to 1965 when, like the political parties to which so many of them were affiliated, the unions had their heyday. This paper focuses on the development of trade unions in one specific industry: refined sugar production. The period to be examined—1945 to 1949—runs from the proclamation of Indonesian independence by Sukarno and Hatta, through the revolution fought against the returning Dutch, to December 1949 when the Netherlands finally acknowledged Indonesian independence. It was during this period that the major post-war sugar industry unions were established. The circumstances surrounding the establishment of these unions will be examined, along with their leaders and members, ideological leanings and political and industrial objectives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Erne ◽  
Markus Blaser

Until recently, the political influence of trade unions primarily relied on ties to labour-friendly political parties. Since the 1990s, however, party-union relations have deteriorated, forcing unions to consider complementary political strategies. This article reviews different direct democratic instruments at local, national and EU levels. We distinguish popular consultations initiated by government from above from citizens’ initiatives initiated from below and discuss corresponding trade union experiences in Germany, Italy, Ireland, Slovenia and Switzerland. We also analyse the successful right2water European Citizens Initiative (ECI) of the European Federation of Public Service Unions and the failed fair transport ECI of the European Transport Workers’ Federation at EU level. Whereas unions have successfully used direct democratic instruments to (i) defend social achievements or (ii) as a lever to extract policy concessions, direct democracy is also challenging. Successful direct democratic campaigns require unions that are able to mobilise their own rank-and-file and to inspire larger sections of society.


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Γεωργία Μπακάλη

The present PhD thesis, based on new archival documents and sources, attemptsa new approach to the tobacco workers issue (kapnergatiko zitima) and the social strugglesof the tobacco workers (kapnergates) of Eastern Macedonia, Greece, during 1919-1936. The research focuses on this particular region, where the finest varieties of orientaltobacco were produced and processed in the tobacco firms (kapnomagaza), according tothe thorough classic commercial processing. The thesis focuses on the local experience aswell as the similarities and differences between the local experience and the experience ofthe tobacco workers of other tobacco towns (kapnoupoleis) of the country. It is supportedthat the tobacco workers movement was an expression of political protest originatingfrom the changes in the processing method. This protest is attributed to a combinationof factors, such as the political formation of the working class, the particular ideologicaland political orientation of the tobacco workers’ leadership, the state’s political discourseand its politics regarding the working class. The factors contributing to the developmentof class consciousness among the workers during the period from the Liberals’ (Fileleftheroi)rise to power (1910-1920) to the founding of the General Confederation ofGreek Workers (Geniki Synomospondia Ergaton tis Ellados) and the Socialist WorkersParty of Greece (Sosialistiko Ergatiko Komma Ellados) (1918) are studied, along withtheir contribution to the development of the labour movement and the tobacco workersmovement. The trade union and professional structure of the tobacco workers, especiallythe role of the skilled labour (denkçi) in the production process, as well as the socialistorientation of the heads of the unions who worked in the tobacco processing centers ofEastern Macedonia are discussed and stressed as the determining elements of the outburstof the workers’ struggles. The different phases of the tobacco workers issue are analyzed,regarding their demand to stop the exportation of unprocessed tobacco. The issue wasaddressed immediately after World War I by the workers who went on general strike in1919. Although it was centered around the fine tobaccos of Eastern Macedonia, it soonbecame an issue that affected all tobacco workers of Greece, thus turning into a class issue.During 1924-1925, there were protests and other forms of violent struggle, led by theCommunist Party of Greece (Kommounistiko Komma Ellados), including the obstructionof unprocessed tobacco exportation, the destruction of tobacco bales and violent clasheswith the authorities. This was a struggle against capital and a defence against the attacks of the bourgeois state. The large-scale strikes of 1927 and 1928 occurred in a time ofrivalry between the two tobacco trade unions, the communist and the conservative one,and had largely political motives. The underlying cause was the communists’ reactionagainst the state’s attempt to divide and manipulate trade unions, which were up to thencontrolled by the communists. These attempts caused disorder within the trade unions aswell as violations of political and trade union freedoms. The struggles for the prohibitionof unprocessed tobacco exportation contributed to the radicalization of the tobacco workers,who were continuously defending their political and trade union freedoms, whichwere violated by the various governments, culminating in the establishment of the Idionymonlaw in 1929. The exports of the renowned fine tobaccos of Eastern Macedoniastarted to decline during the 1930s due to the international financial crisis. At the sametime, the simplest commercial processing (tonga) was gradually imposed resulting in thedecline in the tobacco workers’ financial status. The impoverished workers were urged tospontaneous uprisings without the political and ideological leadership of the CommunistParty. The mobilizations called for “Food. Employment” and also caused the uprising ofagriculturalists and urban professionals who were disappointed by the bourgeois parties,thus embracing the entire people. The participation in the large-scale general strike inMay 1936 and the massive protests against the government’s actions to find a solution tothe problem indicated that social and political awareness were substantially increased.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-230
Author(s):  
Michael Hanagan

The process of proletarianization and its role in the shaping of working class consciousness has captured the attention of French social historians over the last ten years. Until recently, works on French labor history generally neglected the formation of the working class to concentrate on the origins of national working-class parties or trade unions; thus, general histories of the political ‘workers’ movement' abound, to the detriment of occupational or regional studies. As early as 1971, Rolande Trempé's thèse asserted that the transition from godfearing peasant to socialistic proletarian had only just begun when a man put down his hoe and took up a pickaxe. In Les mineurs de Carmaux, Trempé showed the evolving social and political conditions which led coalminers in southwestern France to espouse trade unionism and socialism. The recently published thése of Yves Lequin, Les ouvriers de la region lyonnaise, provides another benchmark in the study of nineteenth-century working class history. Lequin reveals that, for the pre-1914 period in the Lyonnais region of France, the dynamics of proletarianization were more important in promoting worker militancy than its end result, the appearance of an industrial proletariat.


2016 ◽  
Vol 227 ◽  
pp. 653-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandro Russo

AbstractA number of prolonged political experiments in Chinese factories during the Cultural Revolution proved that, despite any alleged “historical” connection between the Communist Party and the “working class,” the role of the workers, lacking a deep political reinvention, was framed by a regime of subordination that was ultimately not dissimilar from that under capitalist command. This paper argues that one key point of Deng Xiaoping's reforms derived from taking these experimental results into account accurately but redirecting them towards the opposite aim, an even more stringent disciplining of wage labour. The outcome so far is a governmental discourse which plays an important role in upholding the term “working class” among the emblems of power, while at the same time nailing the workers to an unconditional obedience. The paper discusses the assumption that, while this stratagem is one factor behind the stabilization of the Chinese Communist Party, it has nonetheless affected the decline of the party systems inherited from the 20th century.


1965 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lotte Glow

It has been said that the Civil War was won by committees. Recent writers on this subject have begun to show how parliamentary policy and its execution was forged in the committee chambers rather than on the crowded floor of the House of Commons. This article is concerned with the personnel of these committees, in particular with those men who were not famous for their political activities and attitudes. Obviously, a core of leaders was needed in order to direct the business of the committees, to give continuity to their proceedings and to ensure that their work was in accord with the policy of the Commons. But the political ‘parties’ were relatively small, and with all the enthusiasm in the world their members could not attend personally to all aspects of government, civil and military. This study is concerned with the men who had no known political views but who contributed a great deal of time and effort to the running of parliamentary affairs. Because of their relative obscurity in the House it will be useful to ask why they were chosen to serve on certain committees, how their background and activity compared with that of their more ‘political’ colleagues, and how they reacted to situations where they were required to take a political stand. Above all, it will be possible to judge whether these men formed a coherent group rather than a random collection of individuals. These men owed their positions to their administrative skill rather than to their political affiliations. As administrators they were responsible to the legislature, and during a time of intensified state intervention, they became analogous to a non-political civil service, ready to execute the policy decisions of the party leaders.


1989 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-361 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Charlot

Three conceptions of the political party can be distinguished. They are Seiler's sociocultural cleavage approach; Lawson's notion of the linkage party, based upon participatory, policy-responsive, clientèle reward and government directive linkages; and Offerlé's conception of parties as political enterprises concentrating upon partisan supply to the political market. After suggesting that, whatever their partial merits, none of these approaches provides the basis for a comprehensive theory of political parties, a dual party approach is prepared. Every party exists in and for itself as well as interacting with a constraining environment. A dialectical model, based upon relations between internal decision-making and external competition within the context of the rules of the game, offers the best prospect of further advance in the study of political parties.


1971 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald D. Feldman

The Kapp-Lüttwitz Putsch, hastily begun on March 13, 1920, and ingloriusly ended with the resignation of Dr. Wolfgang Kapp on March 17, has already been the subject of significant study. The details of the putsch itself, the character of the conspirators, and their motives, the positions taken by the political parties and leaders, and the reasons for its failure are fairly Well known. It is generally agreed that the circle of conspirators had too narrow a social base and was too divided in its purposes to be successful. In essence, it was a revolt of unemployed reactionary East Elbian officials like Kapp himself and his “Minister of the Interior,” Traugott von Jagow, disgruntled conservative military officers, the most important of whom was Freiherr von Lüttwitz, and military adventurers like Colonel Max Bauer, Major Pabst, and Captain Ehrhardt. Where Kapp sought far-reaching constitutional and political changes, Lüttwitz strove for more short-term goals, i.e., reconstruction of the cabinet to give it an “expert” character, new elections, and a larger army. The Kapp regime was doomed because of the refusal of the government bureaucracy to serve it and because of the general strike called by the trade unions on March 14.


1990 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 8-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas Miller

Stress management programmes for trade union officials still remain underdeveloped. This article seeks to highlight some of the methodological problems in trying to mount such programmes within the political context of contemporary trade unionism. The author argues that a much more “holistic” approach towards the “management of discontent” is necessary.


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