scholarly journals Η ΘΕΩΡΗΣΗ ΤΟΥ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΟΥ ΣΥΣΤΗΜΑΤΟΣ ΤΩΝ ΙΤΑΛΙΚΩΝ ΚΡΑΤΙΔΙΩΝ (Α' ΜΙΣΟ ΤΟΥ 15ου ΑΙΩΝΑ) ΑΠΟ ΤΟΝ ΛΑΟΝΙΚΟ ΧΑΛΚΟΚΟΝΔΥΛΗ

2003 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 69
Author(s):  
ΔΗΜΗΤΡΙΟΣ Κ. ΠΑΝΝΑΚΟΠΟΥΛΟΣ

The Laonikos Chalkokondyles' historical work refers extensively to the socialand political situation of western-european populations in the late medieval era. Thedescription of the Italian peninsula as a geopolitical unity has a main position in thisnarration.This article tries to underpin the special importance, which Laonikos Chalkokondylesattached to the description of the political situation of the Italian cities-states.Apart from this, it makes an effort to document this historiographical selection.Chalkokondyles of course keeps systematically a distance from the events.However, the way that was used by one of the last Byzantine historians in order tomaintain the political system of Italian cities, proves his strong interest about it. Thisinterest is revealed by having a critic spirit and highlighting the possitive sides ofeach regime. It is, also, revealed by expounding at great length. It is significant thatthose features didn't exist in his references to the other european societies.The structure used in this topic is the following:The basic part is an annotation to Chalkokondyles' references regarding thepolitical organisation in the main four city-states, Venice, Genoa, Florence and Milan.The topic is framed by two introductive chapters and conclusions as an epilogue. In thechapters mentioned, Chalkokondyles is incorporated in his contemporary backround.In the same part the Italian urban milieux on the borderline of 14th and 15th centuriesis basicaly described.In the conclusions the central aspect that runs through the way of theChalkokondylean descriptions of Italian cities, is restructed. It is also undertaken toexplain this way from the political view of the historian and his relationship with thatgroup of Despotate of Morea which was friendly to the West.

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Denisa Nestakova ◽  
Eduard Nižňanský

This article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews of Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of the Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish arch­bishop, Erling Eidem, and the Slovak consul, Bohumil Pissko, in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials, including the president of the Slovak Republic, Jozef Tiso, revoked further negotiations in the autumn of 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope for actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed­ to failure because of the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant for a description of the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community could well have prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred, given the Slovak interest in deporting their own Jewish citizens and later the German occupation of Slovakia. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Abstrak. Perilaku korupsi dalam perspektif fungsionalisme structural berfungsi sebagai pelumas birokrasi untuk mempercepat sistem birokrasi menjalankan tugasnya. Korupsi merupakan salah satu fungsi melekat dalam fungsi politik dan fungsi ekonomi yang berjalan beriringan untuk memperoleh keuntungan maksimal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui fungsi positif dari korupsi pada sistem politik di film: Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara. Film ini merupakan salah satu cermin situasi perpolitikan di Indonesia yang sangat rentan dengan perilaku dan tindak pidana korupsi. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan menganalisis data sekunder film dan menganalisisnya dengan perspektif structural fungsional. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa fungsi positif dari korupsi benar-benar dijalankan oleh pebisnis untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari bisnisnya tanpa mempertimbangkan moral dan mengabaikan moral itu sendiri. Perilaku bisnis bekerjasama dengan pejabat dengan melakukan suap untuk menggoalkan tujuannya. Kedua belah pihak sama-sama mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal karena kepentingan bisnis dan politik bisa berjalan beriringan. Sisi yang lain, masyarakat banyak menderita karena perilaku korupsi, diantaranya: kehilangan lahan, pekerjaan dan tanah kelahiran.    Kata Kunci: Tindakan Korupsi, Imoral, Amoral dan Struktural Fungsional  Abstract. Corrupt behaviour, in the perspective of structural functionalism, function as the lubricant of bureaucracy to quicken the bureaucracy system in doing their job. Corruption does have political function as well as economical client which runs simultaneously to gain maximum advantage. This writing is aimed to discover the positive function of corruptionin the political system in the movie Korupsidan Kita: RumahPerkara. This movie is one example of political situation in Indonesia which is very vulnerable to corruption. The research method is qualitative by analysing secondary data, which is movie, with structural and functional perspective. The result of the research shows that the positive function of corruption is really done by the businessman to gain advantage towards their business but with ignoring the moral value. In reaching the goal, businessman cooperate with government officers. The two parties get the advantages because business and political importance can actually run together. In the other side, society suffer from this corruption activity for example: losing land, occupation and birthplace.Keywords: corruption, immoral, structural and functional


Author(s):  
POLLY LOW

This chapter discusses one of the best-known instances of classical commemoration: the public funeral and collective burial and commemoration of the Athenian war dead. Its particular aim is to explore the various contexts in which Athenian practice might be understood. How do these monuments fit into the wider picture of Athenian burial and commemoration, in terms of both form and physical location? How do they relate to the political system and ideology of the city that created them? And how might these contexts shape the way in which the monuments were used and understood by contemporary and later viewers?


Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-156
Author(s):  
Karli Shimizu

From the late eighteenth century to WWII, shrine Shintō came to be seen as a secular institution by the government, academics, and activists in Japan (Isomae 2014; Josephson 2012, Maxey 2014). However, research thus far has largely focused on the political and academic discourses surrounding the development of this idea. This article contributes to this discussion by examining how a prominent modern Shintō shrine, Kashihara Jingū founded in 1890, was conceived of and treated as secular. It also explores how Kashihara Jingū communicated an alternate sense of space and time in line with a new Japanese secularity. This Shintō-based secularity, which located shrines as public, historical, and modern, was formulated in antagonism to the West and had an influence that extended across the Japanese sphere. The shrine also serves as a case study of how the modern political system of secularism functioned in a non-western nation-state.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 250-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thibaut Jaulin

No major citizenship reform has been adopted in Lebanon since the creation of the Lebanese citizenship in 1924. Moreover, access to citizenship for foreign residents does not depend on established administrative rules and processes, but instead on ad hoc political decisions. The Lebanese citizenship regime is thus characterized by immobilism and discretion. This paper looks at the relationship between citizenship regime and confessional democracy, defined as a system of power sharing between different religious groups. It argues that confessional democracy hinders citizenship reform and paves the way to arbitrary naturalization practices, and that, in turn, the citizenship regime contributes to the resilience of the political system. In other words, the citizenship regime and the political system are mutually reinforcing.


Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.


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