Ein Ende mit Schrecken – Frankreich nach den Wahlen

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hassan Nafaa

Egypt's recent parliamentary elections held from 17 October to 2 December 2015 took place at the end of an unsettled transitional period in the country that lasted for almost five years since the January 2011 revolt ousted the almost 30-year-old Hosni Mubarak regime. This paper discusses the road to these recent parliamentary elections that began with the ‘Corrective Revolution’, ‘road map’ and constitution of 2013. General Abdel Fattah el-Sisi's victory in the presidential elections of 2014 was followed by controversial legislation, unnatural political alliances, and a troubled and unfavourable political environment for holding the parliamentary elections. The paper examines some of the candidates in these parliamentary elections and the absence of the Muslim Brotherhood as well as the election results and the parliament they produced, concluding with the repercussions for the future of the political system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 49-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Fábrega ◽  
Jorge González ◽  
Jaime Lindh

AbstractConsensus democracy among the main Chilean political forces ended abruptly after the 2013 presidential and parliamentary elections, the most polarized elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Relying on spatial voting theory to uncover latent ideological dimensions from survey data between 1990 and 2014, this study finds patterns of gradual polarization starting at least ten years before the collapse of consensus, based on an increasing demobilization of the political center that misaligned politicians from their political platforms (particularly in the center-left parties). That phenomenon changed the political support for the two main political coalitions and the intracoalition bargaining power of their various factions. The pattern also helps to explain the process behind the 2015 reform of the electoral system.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Abstrak. Perilaku korupsi dalam perspektif fungsionalisme structural berfungsi sebagai pelumas birokrasi untuk mempercepat sistem birokrasi menjalankan tugasnya. Korupsi merupakan salah satu fungsi melekat dalam fungsi politik dan fungsi ekonomi yang berjalan beriringan untuk memperoleh keuntungan maksimal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui fungsi positif dari korupsi pada sistem politik di film: Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara. Film ini merupakan salah satu cermin situasi perpolitikan di Indonesia yang sangat rentan dengan perilaku dan tindak pidana korupsi. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan menganalisis data sekunder film dan menganalisisnya dengan perspektif structural fungsional. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa fungsi positif dari korupsi benar-benar dijalankan oleh pebisnis untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari bisnisnya tanpa mempertimbangkan moral dan mengabaikan moral itu sendiri. Perilaku bisnis bekerjasama dengan pejabat dengan melakukan suap untuk menggoalkan tujuannya. Kedua belah pihak sama-sama mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal karena kepentingan bisnis dan politik bisa berjalan beriringan. Sisi yang lain, masyarakat banyak menderita karena perilaku korupsi, diantaranya: kehilangan lahan, pekerjaan dan tanah kelahiran.    Kata Kunci: Tindakan Korupsi, Imoral, Amoral dan Struktural Fungsional  Abstract. Corrupt behaviour, in the perspective of structural functionalism, function as the lubricant of bureaucracy to quicken the bureaucracy system in doing their job. Corruption does have political function as well as economical client which runs simultaneously to gain maximum advantage. This writing is aimed to discover the positive function of corruptionin the political system in the movie Korupsidan Kita: RumahPerkara. This movie is one example of political situation in Indonesia which is very vulnerable to corruption. The research method is qualitative by analysing secondary data, which is movie, with structural and functional perspective. The result of the research shows that the positive function of corruption is really done by the businessman to gain advantage towards their business but with ignoring the moral value. In reaching the goal, businessman cooperate with government officers. The two parties get the advantages because business and political importance can actually run together. In the other side, society suffer from this corruption activity for example: losing land, occupation and birthplace.Keywords: corruption, immoral, structural and functional


Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 63 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 18-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Dahlberg ◽  
Jonas Linde ◽  
Sören Holmberg

Although the phenomenon of dissatisfied democrats has been frequently discussed in the literature, it has not often been empirically investigated. This article sets out to analyse the discrepancy between the strong support for democratic principles and the widespread discontent with the way democracy works. Drawing on earlier research on the sources of political support, using data from a wide range of democracies, the relevance of two contrasting explanatory perspectives are investigated. The first perspective argues that the sources of democratic discontent are found on the input-side of the political system in terms of representation. The contrasting view argues that the output-side of the political system is most important, where the quality of government plays the pivotal role. The results of the empirical analysis suggest that, in general, both types of factor are important, but also that these processes to a large extent are conditioned by the level of institutional consolidation.


Subject Outlook for the post-transition political system. Significance The August 7 constitutional referendum will be conducted under tightened controls on political organisation, making a 'yes' vote more likely. Although the Democratic Party criticises the draft for its attempt to return Thailand to a semi-authoritarian state, efforts by deposed former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra's 'red-shirt' supporters to organise protests offer the only real opposition to the junta's plan. This struggle foreshadows the political system that is likely to emerge after the next parliamentary elections. Impacts Regulatory risk to investors post-transition would be limited: the military, the Democrats and the PTP are pro-business. China will not alter the status quo in its Thai relations, but will need to invest in building ties with the next monarch. Washington will tolerate most eventualities, except a violent crackdown against the military's opponents.


2020 ◽  
pp. 73-86
Author(s):  
Marcin Rachwał

The article addresses the issue of voter turnout at the national level in Poland in 1990–2019. In particular, the author focused on 2019, when the turnout in parliamentary elections was the highest throughout the period under analysis. The aim of the study is to determine the reasons for this increase in the electoral activity of Polish citizens. The analysis leads to the conclusion that after the Law and Justice party took power in 2015, significant modifications of the social system, including the political system, ensued, thereby altering selected features of the electoral situation and raising the level of political emotions. The outcome involved a significant increase in voter turnout in 2019, when the elections to the European Parliament, as well as to the Polish parliament (the Sejm and Senate) were held. The study employs the following methods: analysis and criticism of literature (sources), the systemic method, and statistical methods.


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The article explores the political crisis in Abkhazia in 2014 -2017. The author analyzes its visible preconditions, as well as the reasons that are beyond the political situation (nation building, Abkhazian society’s attitude to sovereignty, the political system reform). The author also considers the issue of forming mechanisms for protecting Abkhazian political system from crises. In conclusion, a preliminary analysis of the events of January, 2018 is given.


THE BULLETIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (391) ◽  
pp. 230-234
Author(s):  
M.A. Altybassarova ◽  
S.K. Moldabayeva ◽  
D.A. Rakhmetova

Тhe spread of extremism in the modern society, together with the terrorism and fundamentalism, is one of the most problems. Modern extremism as the movement is an activity of the political parties, social movements and illegal organizations, which have clearly defined political goals and ideological bases and use all possible means of struggle, except violence. By the way, modern extremism is divided into political, national (ethnic), religious, environmental, economic, and other ideological trends. But in reality, all motives are either intertwined, complementing each other, or one or another ideology covers up certain political goals. All these forms of extremism may have tendencies of both radical-revolutionary and radical-conservative or fundamentalist character. Modern extremism is characterized by the simple and accessible ideology. If the ideology is particularly complex, then extremist forces use slogans that are accessible to the masses. Extremist associations are particularly characterized by the ability to offer accessible ways and means of solving the most complex problems of public life, to convince the masses of the possibility of their successful implementation in practice and, as the result, of the possibility of possessing sufficiently broad social base. Most countries are now trying to work together to counter extremist and terrorist organizations. For such multi-religious, multi-ethnic state with an unbalanced political system and an unfilled ideological vacuum as Kazakhstan, the study of this phenomenon is particularly relevant. We need the comprehensive study of the conditions for the emergence and evolution of modern extremism, its impact on the functioning of the civil society and state structures, and on the socio-political situation in the country.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document