Fascism or Illusionism of Capitalist Dominance in Brazil?

Author(s):  
Raphael Lana Seabra

This chapter aims to debate the pertinence of fascism as a concept for analyzing the recent socio-political situation in Brazil. It confronts the fact that there has been, in the last few years, a rise of politicians and movements that seem to reproduce elements typical of fascism: a tendency towards authoritarianism, leadership strength, the decimation of minorities, and a hatred towards the left and differences in general. Confronting the emergence of these phenomena, the chapter will examine certain facts, tendencies, and social classes in contemporary Brazil. The particularities of the political system of domination in dependent capitalism will be highlighted. The power and exploitation structure of dependent capitalism presents significant obstacles for the emergence of a minimally cohesive fascist movement. The country has, however, a repressive and political structure that is not very democratic.

Author(s):  
Mohammad Ghorban Kiani

This paper aims at studying the role of Ardalan’s dynasty in the political system of Iran. Going through a brief overview of the political situation of Kurdistan during Ardalan supremacy, this study is primary focused on describing Ardalan’s situation in political structure of Iran. Similar with governors in other parts of Iran, Ardalan authorities were considered as the political elites of Iran and possessed a special and unique political status among the states of Iran from Safavid to Qajar periods. Also, they were always, or at least most of the times, were among the topmost states of Iran attained the high authority and power. Ardalans had always benefited from the most prominent epithets and titles including Sultan, Khan, Baig, governer, and Biglar Baigy and they ruled their kingdom in much of the historical period covered in this study. Since Ardalans were the ruler of Kurdistan region before the Safavid dynasty, both Safavid and Qajar kings maintained them as rulers over their inherited and inborn region.


2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Muryanti Muryanti

Abstrak. Perilaku korupsi dalam perspektif fungsionalisme structural berfungsi sebagai pelumas birokrasi untuk mempercepat sistem birokrasi menjalankan tugasnya. Korupsi merupakan salah satu fungsi melekat dalam fungsi politik dan fungsi ekonomi yang berjalan beriringan untuk memperoleh keuntungan maksimal. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui fungsi positif dari korupsi pada sistem politik di film: Korupsi dan Kita: Rumah Perkara. Film ini merupakan salah satu cermin situasi perpolitikan di Indonesia yang sangat rentan dengan perilaku dan tindak pidana korupsi. Metode penelitian adalah kualitatif dengan menganalisis data sekunder film dan menganalisisnya dengan perspektif structural fungsional. Hasil penelitian menunjukan bahwa fungsi positif dari korupsi benar-benar dijalankan oleh pebisnis untuk mendapatkan keuntungan dari bisnisnya tanpa mempertimbangkan moral dan mengabaikan moral itu sendiri. Perilaku bisnis bekerjasama dengan pejabat dengan melakukan suap untuk menggoalkan tujuannya. Kedua belah pihak sama-sama mendapatkan keuntungan maksimal karena kepentingan bisnis dan politik bisa berjalan beriringan. Sisi yang lain, masyarakat banyak menderita karena perilaku korupsi, diantaranya: kehilangan lahan, pekerjaan dan tanah kelahiran.    Kata Kunci: Tindakan Korupsi, Imoral, Amoral dan Struktural Fungsional  Abstract. Corrupt behaviour, in the perspective of structural functionalism, function as the lubricant of bureaucracy to quicken the bureaucracy system in doing their job. Corruption does have political function as well as economical client which runs simultaneously to gain maximum advantage. This writing is aimed to discover the positive function of corruptionin the political system in the movie Korupsidan Kita: RumahPerkara. This movie is one example of political situation in Indonesia which is very vulnerable to corruption. The research method is qualitative by analysing secondary data, which is movie, with structural and functional perspective. The result of the research shows that the positive function of corruption is really done by the businessman to gain advantage towards their business but with ignoring the moral value. In reaching the goal, businessman cooperate with government officers. The two parties get the advantages because business and political importance can actually run together. In the other side, society suffer from this corruption activity for example: losing land, occupation and birthplace.Keywords: corruption, immoral, structural and functional


Author(s):  
V. Novikov

The article explores the political crisis in Abkhazia in 2014 -2017. The author analyzes its visible preconditions, as well as the reasons that are beyond the political situation (nation building, Abkhazian society’s attitude to sovereignty, the political system reform). The author also considers the issue of forming mechanisms for protecting Abkhazian political system from crises. In conclusion, a preliminary analysis of the events of January, 2018 is given.


THE BULLETIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (391) ◽  
pp. 230-234
Author(s):  
M.A. Altybassarova ◽  
S.K. Moldabayeva ◽  
D.A. Rakhmetova

Тhe spread of extremism in the modern society, together with the terrorism and fundamentalism, is one of the most problems. Modern extremism as the movement is an activity of the political parties, social movements and illegal organizations, which have clearly defined political goals and ideological bases and use all possible means of struggle, except violence. By the way, modern extremism is divided into political, national (ethnic), religious, environmental, economic, and other ideological trends. But in reality, all motives are either intertwined, complementing each other, or one or another ideology covers up certain political goals. All these forms of extremism may have tendencies of both radical-revolutionary and radical-conservative or fundamentalist character. Modern extremism is characterized by the simple and accessible ideology. If the ideology is particularly complex, then extremist forces use slogans that are accessible to the masses. Extremist associations are particularly characterized by the ability to offer accessible ways and means of solving the most complex problems of public life, to convince the masses of the possibility of their successful implementation in practice and, as the result, of the possibility of possessing sufficiently broad social base. Most countries are now trying to work together to counter extremist and terrorist organizations. For such multi-religious, multi-ethnic state with an unbalanced political system and an unfilled ideological vacuum as Kazakhstan, the study of this phenomenon is particularly relevant. We need the comprehensive study of the conditions for the emergence and evolution of modern extremism, its impact on the functioning of the civil society and state structures, and on the socio-political situation in the country.


1970 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duncan B. Forrester

A Complex stratified polity such as that of India, containing a variety of political cultures and a great diversity of political structure, inevitably produces a multitude of styles of political behaviour. Such styles may be the product of different political cultures and processes of recruitment and training, and they interact with each other in significant ways. In particular, the new integrated political system encourages what I call the ‘percolation of style’ from one stratum of the system to another. The percolating process flows in two-ways—from the national arena to the local, and vice versa—and the process itself affects the nature of political styles. A style which was appropriate and effective in one arena will need adaptation if it is to meet the distinctive challenges of a different stratum in the political system. Percolation thus involves modification of style, and the whole process may be viewed as the gradual development of new styles responsive to the demands of new situations. Inevitably this leads to multitudinous tensions, destructive or creative, but the process is thus an integral part of political change and an understanding of stylistic percolation is an important key to the understanding of the nature and direction of political development.


Author(s):  
Callie Williamson

During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.


1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques Hamel ◽  
Yvon Thériault

The tribunicial function and the Créditiste group in the Quebec National Assembly, 1970–3An analysis of the attitudes and behaviour of the Créditiste group since its first appearance in Quebec's National Assembly (1970–3) has two interesting aspects. First, it clarifies the Créditiste phenomenon, supporting the conclusions arrived at in a study conducted by Vera Murray. This study held that the RCQ was distinguished by the exercise of a specific function, namely, the defence and representation of the interests of underprivileged social classes. This is a function which Georges Lavau has described as tribunicial. We intend to show that the Créditiste members, in spite of the internal splits in the party during the leadership of Camil Samson and Armand Bois, have clearly fulfilled a protective function on behalf of “proletarian social elements” in the political system.The election of Yvon Dupuis to head the party in February 1973 inaugurated the progressive abandonment of this specific role, which had characterized the RCQ until then on Quebec's political chessboard, in favour of the function of providing governmental alternatives. Second, this study enables us to clarify and to distinguish between certain points in regard to the tribunicial function and the function of providing alternatives, used by Georges Lavau. In our opinion, the case of the RCQ is a much purer illustration of the tribunicial function than is the case of the PCF.In brief, the essence of the tribunicial function is the use of social criticism – not political criticism – based on the defence of underprivileged classes and revolving around the detailed denunciation of the political establishment. The tribunicial function also displays very little interest in the discussion or elaboration of a program of wholesale reform.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Amini Abdul Rahman ◽  
Camara Sidy ◽  
Mаnopov Mukhammadsolekh Musoevich ◽  
Shir Aqa Njeebullah

The relevance of the topic is due to the fact that at present the political system of Afghanistan requires fundamental changes: the political situation in the country continues to be complex and tense, and the tendency to aggravate the situation in the country is stable: terrorism, drug crime and corruption are common threats to both Afghanistan and the entire world community. Therefore, the search of the current perspective of the development of the political system of Afghanistan is the key factor to resolve this situation. Afghanistan continues to be a place of conflict between the interests of world and regional powers: the advantageous geopolitical and strategic location of Afghanistan makes it a key region in ensuring the stability of the military and political situation in the entire Central Asian region and gives it the opportunity to play an important role in economic, political and cultural interaction between the countries of the region. The purpose of the study is to consider the current perspective of the political system of Afghanistan. The article is devoted to the state of the modern political system of Afghanistan and the search for ways of its development and transformation. The current problems and ways of development of the political system of Afghanistan through the introduction of federalization and secularization are considered in detail. The author pays special attention to the fact that there are a lot of options for the development and transformation of the political system of Afghanistan, but on the way of their implementation in this country there are many problems.


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