scholarly journals Εκπαιδευτική πολιτική για τον γραμματισμό στην πρώτη κυβέρνηση Βενιζέλου εντασσόμενη σε ευρύτερες εξελικτικές πολιτικές κατευθύνσεις

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 226
Author(s):  
Evaggelia Kalerante ◽  
Theodoros Eleftherakis ◽  
Konstantinos Galanis

<p>The present paper examines the legislative proposals included in the educational draft laws of 1913. The proposals were associated with proposed political modernization, highlighting structured theoretical democratic discourse. The proposed legislative changes in primary and secondary education related critical literacy with the effective integration of male and female citizens into the system in the context of changing and differentiated political and social conditions. The political content of the educational draft laws was emphasized and was related to the overall political views of E. Venizelos’ first government. The political discourse of that period also included novel attitudes about the state’s effective organization and welfare policies for citizens. Moreover, an internationalized narrative about the policy of rights had already been established. Education was part of the welfare policy, as an attempt was made to educate and train citizens so that they had more opportunities to enter the labor market. At the same time, a request to restore all fields of the economy was highlighted, while the citizens’ education became a necessity. More specifically, utilizing human resources was based on the investment in human capital. Reference was made to a structural and operational correlation between education and the economy. In this respect, education should effectively contribute to economic development. Different objectives tied to primary and secondary education organization were defined by critical literacy. This way, the conditions of restructuring political practice were formed and orientated towards the participation of citizens in the operations of a civil society and political monitoring. </p><p>Underprivileged citizens, that is, those of lower strata and capital, were taken into account in social and strata terms. The draft laws were conducive to legalizing a version of political democratic narrative which forms the basis of conceptualizing social and political peculiarities within a more general transition policy to an industrial society. Their integration and adjustment systems are rather complicated. The issue of critical literacy in the 1913 draft laws was connected to democratization and the removal of political dysfunction in order to reinforce democratic pluralistic institutions. The issue of democratic modernization, democratic structure and the necessity for economic reconstruction created a different political discourse about the dynamics of systems, education included. Critical literacy is studied in correlation to the historic peculiarity which formed a different paradigm of functional education. The preamble, as textual discourse, is studied in comparison with the proposed educational reform, so as to highlight the intentions of the individuals involved in forming educational policy on critical literacy as well as their normative expectations. Although the 1913 draft laws were not passed, their structural interpretative approach serves for a subtle analysis of political objectives within a proposal for a different type of literacy.</p>

2021 ◽  
pp. 119-165
Author(s):  
Wolf Linder ◽  
Sean Mueller

AbstractChapter 10.1007/978-3-030-63266-3_4 discusses the emergence, types and functioning of Swiss direct democracy and assesses its effects on power-sharing and the political system more broadly. Contrary to what many theorists have claimed, direct democracy is not too demanding for people in a highly developed industrial society. The fact that citizens have a direct say up to four times a year at federal level, in addition to frequent referendums at cantonal and local level, makes voting almost a routine exercise. It also allows today’s losers to become tomorrow’s winners—and vice versa, thus fostering mutual respect and cooperation. Yet contrary also to what some revolutionaries had hoped for, it has not led to radical change either. Instead, direct democracy has above all led to political conservatism, be that regarding welfare policies, defence or European integration.


2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-45
Author(s):  
Akihiko Shimizu

This essay explores the discourse of law that constitutes the controversial apprehension of Cicero's issuing of the ultimate decree of the Senate (senatus consultum ultimum) in Catiline. The play juxtaposes the struggle of Cicero, whose moral character and legitimacy are at stake in regards to the extra-legal uses of espionage, with the supposedly mischievous Catilinarians who appear to observe legal procedures more carefully throughout their plot. To mitigate this ambivalence, the play defends Cicero's actions by depicting the way in which Cicero establishes the rhetoric of public counsel to convince the citizens of his legitimacy in his unprecedented dealing with Catiline. To understand the contemporaneousness of Catiline, I will explore the way the play integrates the early modern discourses of counsel and the legal maxim of ‘better to suffer an inconvenience than mischief,’ suggesting Jonson's subtle sensibility towards King James's legal reformation which aimed to establish and deploy monarchical authority in the state of emergency (such as the Gunpowder Plot of 1605). The play's climactic trial scene highlights the display of the collected evidence, such as hand-written letters and the testimonies obtained through Cicero's spies, the Allbroges, as proof of Catiline's mischievous character. I argue that the tactical negotiating skills of the virtuous and vicious characters rely heavily on the effective use of rhetoric exemplified by both the political discourse of classical Rome and the legal discourse of Tudor and Jacobean England.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 ◽  
pp. 123-136
Author(s):  
Lyubov V. Ulyanova

The article analyzes the political discourse of the officials of the main political surveillance structure, – the Police Department, – in the period of 1880s (organization of the Department) and until October, 1905, when the Western-type Constitution project finally prevailed. The comparative analysis of the conceptual instruments (“Constitutionalists”, “Oppositionists”, “Radicals”, “Liberals”) typically used in the Police Department allows one to come o the conclusion that the leaders of the Russian empire political police did not follow the “reactionary and protective” discourse, did not share its postulates, but preferred the moderate-liberal-conservative path of political development. Along with that, the Police Department also demonstrated loyal attitude to zemsky administration and zemsky figures, covert criticism of “bureaucratic mediastinum”, the tendency to come to an agreement with public figures through personal negotiations, intentional omittance of reactionary and protective repressive measures in preserving autocracy. All this allows to come to the conclusion that the officials of the Police Department shares Slavophil public and political doctrine.


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