Constitutionalising the Right to Water in Kenya and Slovenia: Domestic Drivers, Opportunity Structures, and Transnational Norm Entrepreneurs

The international norm development that in 2010 culminated with the UN Resolution on the Human Right to Water and Sanitation changed international law. To what extent did this influence the parallel legal developments evident in many national constitutions across the globe? This article analyses the mobilisation for a constitutional right to water and sanitation in Kenya and Slovenia, identifying the main national and transnational actors involved and assessing their significance for the processes of constitutionalising the right. By analysing two very different cases, tracing their constitutionalisation processes through analysis of archival material, the article provides multifaceted insights into processes of norm diffusion from international norm entrepreneurs to the national level and the agency of domestic actors and their opportunity structures. We find that although the outcomes of the processes in Kenya and Slovenia are similar in that both constitutions contain articles securing the right to water, the framing of the right differs. Furthermore, we conclude that while there is involvement of international actors in both cases, domestic pro-water activists and their normative and political opportunity structures are more important for understanding the successful constitutionalisation of the right to water and differences in the framing of the right.

Lost in translation: a comparative analysis of developing regions' receptions of the responsibility to protect norm

<p>The way in which different regions are receiving the international norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has been attracting increasing attention within academia in recent years, most notably after the NATO led intervention in Libya in 2011. Academics have attempted to analyse the extent to which R2P has been diffused in various states and have argued that states within developing regions have begun to localise R2P to make it more congruent with their pre-existing norms and practices in order to increase its acceptance. These studies have utilised traditional theories of norm diffusion which conceive of norms as static entities with fixed content and as such they have not attempted to analyse how the norm has been changing as a result of this process. Furthermore these studies have tended to analyse the diffusion of R2P in isolation from other states and other regions and as such, no comparative analysis of how regions have received R2P exists. This thesis employs a discursive approach, seeking to look at how R2P has been received within three developing regions (Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America) and in doing so aims to find how regions receptions of R2P differ and whether the content of R2P has changed between them. It finds that since the 2005 World Summit, receptions to R2P have not significantly altered and that where R2P is being gradually diffused it is increasingly becoming a norm for prevention rather than response.</p>

Lost in translation: a comparative analysis of developing regions' receptions of the responsibility to protect norm

<p>The way in which different regions are receiving the international norm of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) has been attracting increasing attention within academia in recent years, most notably after the NATO led intervention in Libya in 2011. Academics have attempted to analyse the extent to which R2P has been diffused in various states and have argued that states within developing regions have begun to localise R2P to make it more congruent with their pre-existing norms and practices in order to increase its acceptance. These studies have utilised traditional theories of norm diffusion which conceive of norms as static entities with fixed content and as such they have not attempted to analyse how the norm has been changing as a result of this process. Furthermore these studies have tended to analyse the diffusion of R2P in isolation from other states and other regions and as such, no comparative analysis of how regions have received R2P exists. This thesis employs a discursive approach, seeking to look at how R2P has been received within three developing regions (Africa, Southeast Asia, and Latin America) and in doing so aims to find how regions receptions of R2P differ and whether the content of R2P has changed between them. It finds that since the 2005 World Summit, receptions to R2P have not significantly altered and that where R2P is being gradually diffused it is increasingly becoming a norm for prevention rather than response.</p>

Cybernorms: Analysis of International Norms in France's Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace

Cybercrime is a crime involving computers and networks that began to develop after the Cold War. International politics also have developed through computer networks or cyberspace, especially in communication and diplomacy. Many actors who have different interests make the cybersphere unstable. Several state and non-state actors themselves have collaborated and conventions in the cyber realm. In 2018, France made a high-level declaration called the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace to maintain stability in cyberspace. Through the Paris Call, France tries to establish an international norm in the cyber domain known as Cybernorms. This norm has been supported by several state and non-state actors. This study seeks to see the importance of the Paris Call that has been made by the French government which aims to remind the general norms of cyber that are not popular or see the formation of international norms in the cybersphere. This study uses a qualitative method with the process-tracing data analysis method used to explain change and cause-and-effect. This research argues that cyber norms are very important for state or non-state actors in maintaining the stability of the cyber world.

FLEGT License in Indonesia-European Union Cooperation: Norm Life Cycle Analysis

Artikel ini membahas tentang FLEGT-VPA antara Indonesia dan Uni Eropa setelah mencapai implementasi penuh pada 2016. Kedua pihak menyimpulkan proses akhir dengan penyesuaian V-legal sebagai Lisensi FLEGT untuk produk- produk Kehutanan yang diekspor ke negara anggota Uni Eropa pada November 2016. Hal ini menimbulkan pertanyaan mengenai bagaimana FLEGT License sebagai bagian dari norma internasional dapat digunakan dan diadopsi di Indonesia, meskipun Indonesia telah mengembangkan Sistem Jaminan Legalitas Kayu di bawah SVLK. Menggunakan metodologi content analysis, tulisan ini menelusuri proses adopsi norma dari 2007 hingga 2017. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa adaptasi norma melalui penyesuaian V-legal sebagai Lisensi FLEGT dapat dipahami melalui tiga tahapan dari Norm Life Cycle. Lewat pendekatan ini, Uni Eropa mengambil peran sebagai Norm Entrepreneur dan menggunakan FLEGT Action Plan, khususnya skema FLEGT-VPA sebagai organizational platform untuk mempromosikan dan menyosialisasikan norma- norma FLEGT ke pelaku bisnis berbasis kehutanan di Indonesia.Kata-kata kunci: FLEGT License; FLEGT-VPA; Norm Life Cycle; SVLKThis paper discusses the FLEGT-VPA between Indonesia and the European Union after completing its full implementation in 2016. The two-party concluded the final process by adjusting V-legal as FLEGT License for Forestry products exported to European Union member states in November 2016. This paper raised a question regarding the process of how the FLEGT License, as a part of the international norm, can be utilized and adopted in Indonesia, given that Indonesia has already developed its Timber Legality Assurances System under SVLK. This paper employs the content analysis method to trace the process of norm adoption from 2007 to 2017. The result shows that the adaptation of norm through the adjustment of V-legal as FLEGT License reflected the three stages of the Norm Life Cycle. According to this approach, European Union is acting as Norm Entrepreneurs and using the FLEGT Action Plan, especially the scheme of FLEGT-VPA, as its organizational platforms to promote and socialize FLEGT norms to forestry-based businesses in Indonesia.Keywords: FLEGT License; FLEGT-VPA; Norm Life Cycle; SVLK

Norm Exemption in States’ NPT Nuclear Disarmament Obligations

The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) is highly appreciated for its ability to stop further nuclear proliferation in the world. Since its existence, this treaty has been said to be successful in preventing potential states from possessing weapons of mass destruction. At least, there are more than 40 states who have the capability to develop their own nuclear programmes, although such programmes are restrained from coming to fruition. However, this successful story has not taken place in the area of nuclear disarmament. None of its nuclear weapon-owning members seem to proceed with realising a full disarmament aim. This raises the question of why the NPT is unable to achieve success in the field of nuclear disarmament as it has in the field of nuclear non-proliferation. The NPT does not only contain the idea of nuclear non-proliferation, but also the idea of nuclear disarmament. In understanding this question, using a political psychology approach, this study finds that nuclear-weapon states face the so-called moral dilemma between the desire to achieve national interests and the desire to fulfil social demands required by the international norm. By taking advantage of the shortcomings in the NPT narrative as well as relevant world situations, these states attempt to be exempted from dismantling nuclear weapons under their possession.

Young Activists as International Norm Entrepreneurs: A Case Study of Greta Thunberg’s Campaigning on Climate Change in Europe and Beyond

The role and significance of young activists in the process of international norm creation, diffusion, internalisation, and implementation have not received much attention in academic research. Yet, as a case study of Greta Thunberg campaigning on climate change has proven, children and teenagers can become significant norm entrepreneurs. Using the theoretical underpinnings of social constructivism, this article identifies and analyses Thunberg’s actions to exhort pressure on states, members of governments and international organisations to further develop and implement norms that would help save the planet from the imminent climate crisis. Our research uses an exploratory and inductive approach in which qualitative research methods (a case study of Greta Thunberg) and discourse analysis are applied.

Preferences and Compliance with International Law

International law lacks many of the standard features of domestic law. There are few legislative or judicial bodies with exclusive authority over particular jurisdictions or subject matters, the subjects regulated by international law typically must affirmatively consent to be bound by it, and supranational authorities with the power to coerce states to comply with international obligations are rare. How can a legal system with these features generate changes in state behavior? For many theories, the ability of international law to inform and change individual preferences provides the answer. When voters care that treaty commitments be kept, or that international norms be honored, the theory goes, leaders are more likely to be able to make choices consistent with international obligations. Over the last decade, a literature has emerged testing these theories using surveys and experiments embedded in surveys. Multiple U.S. studies find that international law and international norm arguments shift public opinion in the direction of greater compliance by 4 to 20 percentage points. However, studies in foreign contexts are more mixed, with some backlash reported in countries in which international law is highly politicized. This Article describes the state of current knowledge about whether international law actually does change preferences, explains the limitations with existing research, and proposes avenues for future study.

The Motivations Behind Authoritarian Image Management

Why would authoritarian states care how they are perceived abroad? This chapter builds theory to understand the motivations behind authoritarian image management. The chapter posits that scholarship on authoritarian legitimation and on autocracy promotion reveals that authoritarian image management can have causal effects for regime security. The chapter argues, drawing on Owen (2010), that authoritarian states manage their images abroad for both internal security (to bolster their domestic rule) and external security (to help build a friendlier international environment for their rule). All states attempt to manage their image abroad to some degree, but authoritarian states in the post–Cold War era have special incentives to do so given the predominance of democracy as an international norm.