After World War II

Author(s):  
David R. Mayhew

This chapter considers three impulses of the post-World War II era. Two of them deal with the economy, bracketing its course from an inspiration flowing out of the war through an ideological and policy retake a generation later. The other impulse covers one of the major developments of American, not to mention transnational, history—the civil rights revolution of those times. In the three impulses detailed here, economic planning devices, energy supply, the cities, travel, infrastructure, the tax code, industrial structure, the workplace, immigration, demographic patterns, the electorate, rights standards, and relations among the races, gained lasting imprints from U.S. government participation, among others.

2020 ◽  
pp. 87-112
Author(s):  
Marouf A. Hasian ◽  
Nicholas S. Paliewicz

This chapter provides readers with an analysis of the photojournalism and other visualities that were used by private and public organizations interested in civil rights activism who were working on anti-lynching consciousness-raising between World War II and 2000. The authors contend that this was the period that witnessed commentary about the “end” of U.S. lynchings, but this amnesia would be critiqued by those who learned about the evocative power of an anti-lynching travelling exhibit, entitled Without Sanctuary.


1999 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gavin Wright

This address urges Americanists to take the post–World War II era on board as economic history, using the Civil Rights Revolution to set an example. The speed and sweepof the movement's success illustrates the dynamics of an “unanticipated revolution” as analyzed by Timur Kuran, to be grouped with famous historical surprises such as the triumph of British antislavery and the fall of Soviet communism. The evidence confirms that the breakthroughs of the 1960s constituted an economic as well as a political revolution, in many respects an economic revolution for the entire southern region, as well as for African-Americans.


2020 ◽  
pp. 180-240
Author(s):  
Michael Goldfield

Chapter 5 highlights the wood industry, one of the largest industries in the country. Most of the woodworkers were located in the South, and half of those workers were African-American. Woodworkers successfully organized in the Northwest and Canada, the other two centers of the industry. Despite a perceived willingness of southern woodworkers to unionize, this did not happen. The chapter attributes most of the problems to an incompetent, right-wing, racially backward leadership, which was installed by the CIO national office before World War II. The chapter also argues that the successful organization of southern woodworkers had the potential to radically transform the civil rights movement.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 121-139
Author(s):  
Sarah Hammerschlag ◽  

This article argues that literature is the necessary foil to Emmanuel Levinas’s development of the category of religion, as the site of relation between the same and the other. The essay tracks Levinas’s dependence on literature to illustrate alterity, but also shows that literature functions as religion’s rival in Levinas’s thought. Playing the terms of religion, literature, and philosophy off one another, the article argues, Levinas was also making an interception into a larger post-World War II debate over which of philosophy’s competing discourses, literature or religion, would win the ascendant seat in the post-war context.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (IV) ◽  
pp. 647-661
Author(s):  
Qasim Shafiq ◽  
Asim Aqeel ◽  
Qamar Sumaira

The epistemological shift from colonialism to postcolonialism refashioned the colonial conceptualization of gender, race, geopolitical locale and sexual orientation to focus on those processes theorized by Homi K. Bhabha as 'in-between spaces'. With the delimitation of Michael Ondaatje's The English Patient (1992), this research explores how these 'in-between spaces' led colonialism and its subjects to the postcolonial / post-World War II milieu. The colonizers were not psychologically resilient enough to survive the hybrid 'in-between space' that dismantled the binary of the self and the other. The post-colonial subject, like the colonial subject, is a collage, not stable or autonomous, because it exists in a hybrid space of the enunciation of two cultures which cannot sustain its independent identity: in The English Patient, the diaspora located at the cultural boundaries of the Europeans and their home countries merges and dissolves into the in-between spaces acquainted with their anxiety and passion of nationhood and the nationlessness.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 62-77
Author(s):  
Mahdi Teimouri

Viet ThanhNguyen’s The Sympathizer(2015) is an intriguing novel for anyone familiar with the early fiction of J.M. Coetzee. Nguyen’s debut novel has as its theme the war in Vietnam, which is not surprising given his background and his scholarly work preceding its publication. Interestingly, Coetzee’s first novel, Dusklands(1974) comprised two novellas, the first of which,called “The Vietnam Project”, is also related to the US invasion of Vietnam. Both works offer critical insights into US war-mongering in the post-World War II era. Additionally, Coetzee’s third novel, Waiting for the Barbarians(1980), bears thematic resemblances with both his and Nguyen’s debut novels, as they, in one way or another, are concerned with imperialism’s modus operandi and its continuation through the subjugation, intimidation,and annihilation of collective subjects. The main aim of this paper is to investigate the parallels and overlaps that can be detected among these three novelsthat are germane to the stratagems adopted by an imperialist power to sustain its dominion, legitimize its presence,andjustify brutality. These stratagems mediate the way the imperial force relatesto or conceivesof the other. Of the concepts employed in this article,the following areof particular significance: representation, grievability, and framing.


2013 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 617-644 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grigorii V. Golosov

Abstract This article compares competitive authoritarian, one-party authoritarian, and democratic party systems on three parameters: likelihood to emerge, sustainability and durability. By applying a variety of statistical techniques to a comprehensive dataset on post-World War II elections, this study shows that under competitive authoritarianism, elections are less likely to be party-structured than in democracies, and that competitive authoritarian party systems are markedly less sustainable and durable than systems in the other categories, especially in democracies. These findings are in accordance with the theory according to which competitive authoritarian institutions are epiphenomena, reflecting the distribution of power in the polity but not shaping it. Their emergence and survival are consequences rather than causes of the stability and success of contemporary autocracies.


Author(s):  
Derrick Bell

The Coincidence Of Litigation aimed at eliminating the constitu­tional justification of state-sponsored racial segregation and the nation’s need to strengthen its argument that democratic government was superior to its communist alternative was more than just a happy coincidence. It was, as indicated in the previous chapter, a helpful and necessary prerequisite to racial reform. Early in my teaching career, I devised a sardonic formula for what I had come to understand as the basic social physics of racial progress and retrenchment. The formula went something like this:… Justice for blacks vs. racism = racism Racism vs. obvious perceptions of white self-interest = justice for blacks… Students both black and white got the point, and the Brown decision provided a definitive example of it. Again and again, perceived self-interest by whites rather than the racial injustices suffered by blacks has been the major motivation in racial-remediation policies. We may regret but can hardly deny the pattern. This was certainly the case in the school de­segregation cases. While blacks had been petitioning the courts for decades to find segregation unconstitutional, by 1954 a fortuitous symmetry existed between what blacks sought and what the nation needed. I do not intend by this conclusion to belittle the NAACP lawyers’ long years of hard work and their carefully planned strategies that brought the cases consolidated in Brown v. Board of Education to the Supreme Court. Indeed, the long crusade for racial justice has been marked by campaigns undertaken against great odds with the faith, as the old hymn puts it, that “the Lord will make a way somehow.” I agree with the legal writers who maintain that post–World War II civil rights progress would have come without Brown. None of us can deny that the Court had the NAACP school litigation as a legal canvas on which to paint its views. The motivation for what became the Brown portrait, as well as other post–World War II government policies supporting civil rights, were Cold War concerns. My views on this are impres­sively substantiated by the historian Mary Dudziak’s book, Cold War Civil Rights, based on her untiring searches through literally thou­sands of official government documents as well as international newspapers and news releases.


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