scholarly journals True to Their Name? Activities of Niche Political Parties in the Legislative Process

2021 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 433-454
Author(s):  
Jaroslav Bílek ◽  
Jakub Lysek ◽  
Robert Zbíral
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Christmas

<p>In the eighty years between the passage of New Zealand's first unified Electoral Act in 1927, and the passage of the Electoral Finance Act 2007, the New Zealand Parliament passed 66 acts that altered or amended New Zealand's electoral law. One central assumption of theories of electoral change is that those in power only change electoral rules strategically, in order to protect their self-interest.1 This thesis is an investigation into the way New Zealand governments effect and have effected their desired changes to the electoral law through the legislative process, and the roles self-interest and the active search for consensus between political parties have played in that process. It argues that, while self-interest serves as a compelling explanation for a great deal of electoral law change in New Zealand, altruistic motivations and the development of parliamentary processes influenced behaviour to an equal, and perhaps even greater, extent.</p>


Author(s):  
Ángel Rodríguez

El equilibrio en la regulación de los partidos políticos en las democracias contemporáneas se alcanza cuando la atribución a estos de funciones políticas relevantes se compensa con mecanismos de control. La aplicación de este principio a la regulación de los partidos políticos en el derecho de la UE pone de manifiesto una situación de equilibrio sui generis: las funciones de los partidos políticos europeos en las elecciones europeas o en el proceso legislativo del Parlamento Europeo está fuertemente limitada por el protagonismo de los Estados miembros y la política de partidos nacionales; por otro lado, los mecanismos de control establecidos sobre los partidos políticos europeos, incluidos los de democracia militante, deben coexistir con las normas nacionales al respecto, generando los problemas típicos de los escenarios multinivel.Balance in political parties regulation is met in contemporary democracies when the attribution of relevant political functions to political parties is counterweighed with mechanisms of control. The application of this principle to the regulation of political parties under the EU legal order reveals a sui generis balance: the functions of European political parties in European elections or in the legislative process within the European Parliament is significantly limited by the leading role played by member States and national party politics; besides, the mechanisms of control on European political parties, including those of militant democracy, must coexist with national laws governing the same subject, creating the typical problems of multilevel scenarios.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
James Christmas

<p>In the eighty years between the passage of New Zealand's first unified Electoral Act in 1927, and the passage of the Electoral Finance Act 2007, the New Zealand Parliament passed 66 acts that altered or amended New Zealand's electoral law. One central assumption of theories of electoral change is that those in power only change electoral rules strategically, in order to protect their self-interest.1 This thesis is an investigation into the way New Zealand governments effect and have effected their desired changes to the electoral law through the legislative process, and the roles self-interest and the active search for consensus between political parties have played in that process. It argues that, while self-interest serves as a compelling explanation for a great deal of electoral law change in New Zealand, altruistic motivations and the development of parliamentary processes influenced behaviour to an equal, and perhaps even greater, extent.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (6/S) ◽  
pp. 292-301
Author(s):  
Ikhtiyor Bekov

The article examines the legal mechanisms associated with the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process. The legislative activity of fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis has been analyzed with the help of reliable statistics. The legislative activity of the fractions of political parties in the Legislative Chamber of the Oliy Majlis is analyzed by accurate statistics. The article provides suggestions for improving the participation of fractions of political parties in the legislative process.


2020 ◽  
pp. 147892992090458
Author(s):  
Tsung-han Tsai

In Brazil’s legislative process, political exchanges between the government and legislature is an essential feature. This article focuses on the role of the president and political parties in Brazil’s national legislative process. Because nonideological factors influence voting, roll calls do not suffice for estimation of legislators’ policy preferences. In this article, we derive a spatial model of voting in which voting behavior is induced by both ideological motivations and coalition dynamics and develop a multilevel ideal-point model implied by the spatial voting model. After the proposed model is applied to the analysis of roll-call votes in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies between 2003 and 2006, coalition dynamics is found to influence the voting behavior of legislators. We also confirm the finding in previous studies that the ideological alignment of political parties in the legislature contrasts with the perceived positions.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-196
Author(s):  
Johan Ryngaert

Although the popular referendum is part of Italy's 1948 constitution, the political parties in power delayed for more than 20 years putting it info practice. It was finally institutionalized in 1970 and has met on various occasions with caution or hostility from the political parties.Succeeding in mobilizing public opinion, shaking the political parties and speeding up the legislative process, the referendum disappointed in several respects. Especially the permanent conflict with parliament through the action of the radical party led to negativism on its behalf.


Author(s):  
Byoung Kwon Sohn

This chapter discusses the general characteristics of the South Korean National Assembly frequently observed since democratization in 1987. Among other things, the chapter primarily focuses on the two major actors in the South Korean parliamentary arena, standing committees and legislative parties. It starts by describing the evolution of the National Assembly, maintaining that the South Korean legislative process has been heavily dominated by the president and the executive branch in one way or another. This observation was never truer than during the authoritarian eras, but has also been the case since the start of the Sixth Republic. With respect to the major actors, political parties in the National Assembly can be said to play a predominant role, while the standing committees have atrophied despite their nominal centrality and positional importance. All the explanations in this chapter suggest that the so-called inter-party consultative system more often than not gives way to majoritarianism in the actual legislative process when the two modes collide.


1984 ◽  
Vol 17 (03) ◽  
pp. 561-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard Loewenberg

When undergraduates want to study legislatures, more often than not their choice is limited to a course on Congress, although they may find a course on the legislative process which includes attention to state legislatures. This is hardly a cause for student discontent. The first, and often the only, ambition of political science students is to learn about the American system of government. That is why the introductory course in the discipline is usually a course in American government, why courses on state and local politics are entirely concerned with the United States, why courses on political parties are really about the Democratic and Republican parties, and why there are hardly any courses on the executive at all since the only subject in that area which is taught is the American presidency.It was not always so. A century ago, as curricula in political science developed in American universities, a general, theoretical concept of politics, derived from continental and particularly German approaches to the subject predominated. The focus on American politics came a full generation later, inspired by a concern for citizenship training and by the prospect of large captive audiences in classrooms of students fulfilling teacher certification requirements.America First was consistent with the mood of the United States in the 1920s, but less so in the 1930s and 1940s. In those decades student interest in non-American politics revived in response to the nation's involvement in world affairs, and this interest was expressed in the curriculum by separate courses, often misnamed “comparative government.” These were frequently courses in a series of major foreign governments, shaped by the writing and teaching of a new cohort of emigré faculty who revived the European influence on American political science. In this form the study of what was called “comparative government” gained a larger place in the curricula of departments of political science. But as a subfield of the discipline, comparative government remained too small, and the approach was too country-specific, to permit sub-specialization except by geographic areas. There was no place in it for courses on non-American legislatures, or executives, or political parties.


1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter J. Stone

Many students of the United States Congress have contended that the institution is too closely tied to the interests of members' local constituencies. While the responsiveness this charge implies may seem laudable, the localism said to exist, especially in the House, weakens national agents of representation such as the political parties. Institutional features like seniority and the norm of reciprocity are often criticized for the premium they place upon members' success in their local constituencies, and the narrow, particularistic policy which results. Those who prefer a legislature responsive to national interests lament the disproportionate influence of constituencies with well-placed representatives on the committees and subcommittees in the House, and the fragmented, ‘distributive’ character of the legislative process.


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