Démocratie représentative et démocratie directe : le cas italien

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-196
Author(s):  
Johan Ryngaert

Although the popular referendum is part of Italy's 1948 constitution, the political parties in power delayed for more than 20 years putting it info practice. It was finally institutionalized in 1970 and has met on various occasions with caution or hostility from the political parties.Succeeding in mobilizing public opinion, shaking the political parties and speeding up the legislative process, the referendum disappointed in several respects. Especially the permanent conflict with parliament through the action of the radical party led to negativism on its behalf.

2018 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Rami Saleh Abdelrazeq Musleh ◽  
Mahmoud Ismail ◽  
Dala Mahmoud

The study focused on the Palestinian state as depicted in the Israeli political discourse. It showed that the Israeli strategy is based on denying the establishment of a Palestinian state alongside the Israeli one. Israel's main concern is to protect its national security at all costs. The study showed the Israeli political factions' opposition to the formation of an independent Palestinian state in addition to their refusal to give up certain parts of the West Bank due to religious and geopolitical reasons. To discuss this topic and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted by the researcher. The study concluded that the Israeli leadership and its projects to solve the Palestinian issue do not amount to the establishment of a Palestinian state. This leadership simply aims to impress the international public opinion that Israel wants peace. In contrast, the Israeli public has shown that it cannot accept a Palestinian state, and the public opinion of the Palestinian state is not different from that of the political parties and leaders in Israel.


Author(s):  
Aleksander Vilkov ◽  
◽  
Nikolaj Shestov ◽  
Andrei Abramov ◽  

Introduction. The purpose of this article is to find out to what extent the “social state” concept, brought to the fore of domestic political, social, and economic agendas by amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, is able to satisfy the demand of the mass political consciousness in Russia for the image of the country’s future. Methods and materials. To solve this problem, a wide range of general scholarly and specific political science approaches and methods were used. The conclusions are based on the results of opinion polls conducted by the largest social surveys research organizations of Russia (i.e. “Russian Public Opinion Research Center”, “Levada-Center”, and “Public Opinion Foundation”), analysis of the programs of political parties, speeches of Russian politicians, as well as on the observation over the Russian political process. Analysis. The views of citizens on the prospects for the development of relations between the state and society in Russia are analyzed in relation to the political projects of leading Russian political actors; the prospects of key projects of the existing political, social, and economic system optimization in the context of their compliance with the needs of various social groups in modern Russia are considered; estimation of social risks of their implementation is given. Results. An inference is made that formation of a socially desired image of the future of Russia requires a significant adjustment of the main Russian political actors’ activities. Domestic political parties need a renewal of their leadership and relevant institutional and ideological reformatting; the highest bodies of state power need to adjust the political course – first of all, it is necessary to establish control over the use of natural resources, introduce a differentiated taxation system, and stimulate production. The lack of a clear response from government bodies and party structures to society’s requests for a just, socially responsible state creates risks for the stability of the domestic social and political system, and can be used by destructive political forces to implement the scenario of a “colour revolution” in Russia.


Author(s):  
Katarzyna Kozak

The period between the Glorious Revolution and the end of Queen Anne’s reign was a time of fierce antagonism between the political parties. This rivalry defined the political situation in early eighteenth century Britain and laid the foundation for the development of the ministerial machine of propaganda aimed at discrediting opponents and justifying the policies of the government. Methodically developed, the system was well applied during Oxford’s Ministry (1710-14). The establishment of a ministerial newspaper –The Examiner –played a significant role in solidifying public opinion behind the transfer of power to the Tories. Remaining a ‘right-wing’ organ, it became a sharp edge of anti-whig propaganda. The main objective of this article is to analyse the rhetoric of passions, one of the literary tools used inThe Examinerto build up a negative image of Whigs. This image, created on the pages ofThe Examiner, represents an element of a wider vision depicting passionate Whigs and reasonable Tories.


1951 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 112-129
Author(s):  
Paul E. Zinner

In February 1948 few people in Czechoslovakia could size up the full implications of the Communist coup. The bulk of non-Communist public opinion was, to say the least, bewildered by the rapidity of events and confused about the real issues involved. Its attitude reflected this state of mind. The political parties to which it traditionally owed allegiance collapsed overnight. Their duly elected leaders were immediately muzzled. President Benes, on whom in the final analysis the total burden of stopping the Communist onslaught rested, and from whom the nation would normally expect its cue, gave none, unless his passive acceptance of the fait accompli with which he was presented were to be construed as a sign for the people to do likewise.


Author(s):  
Roberto L. Blanco Valdés

Political parties, lynchpin of the democratic architecture, have also been very important in the setting-up of the constitutional system of 1978. They had confronted several problems that have hindered its consolidation. But, over time, the parties have not only invaded public areas that were not designed for them, but have generated internal habits related to bureaucracy, the selection of elites, illegal funding and a lack of internal democracy. This has caused that quite a lot of the spanish public opinion perceive that political parties, and by extension, politicians and politics, as one of the main spanish problems.Los partidos políticos, pieza clave de la arquitectura democrática, lo han sido también en el proceso de construcción del régimen constitucional de 1978. Para ello han debido enfrentarse a diversos problemas que han dificultado su consolidación. Pero, con el paso del tiempo, los propios partidos no sólo han invadido esferas públicas que no les correspondían sino que han generado hábitos internos relacionados con la burocratización, el proceso de selección de las élites, la financiación ilegal y la ausencia de democracia interna. Todo ello ha dado lugar a que una buena parte de la opinión pública española perciba en la actualidad a los partidos, y, por extensión, a los políticos y a la política, como uno de los principales problemas del país.


2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Paulo Vila Maior

The results of the 2019 European Parliament (EP) elections cast an unprecedented challenge for the European Union (EU). Growing popularity of right-wing and left-wing, populist and radical political parties and the rising number of members of the parliament materialise the challenge. The article explores the seismic effects of the reconfiguration of the political landscape for European integration. The rising number of populist and radical political parties’ members of the parliament might weaken the political centre of gravity in the EP. Since the EP plays an important role on the legislative process of the EU, populist and radical parties’ Euroscepticism (if not their standpoint against the EU) might pervade the EP and threaten the EU with the prospect of setback, or at least stagnation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 117-137
Author(s):  
Irena Anna Słodkowska

This article examines the attitudes and opinions of major Polish political actors about the impact of German reunification on Polish-German relations between 1989 and 1991. These are outlined against the background of public opinion polls and themes underpinning Polish foreign policy as reflected in the programmes of the main political parties represented in the Polish parliament. There were strong similarities in their programmes and policies. They broadly reflected the approach of Solidarity’s electoral manifesto of 4 June 1989, subsequently adopted by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. In consequence, all political parties represented in the parliament supported the government’s policies towards Germany. The author also considers various forms of Polish-German cooperation outside the realm of intergovernmental relations. Finally, she examines the impact on public opinion of intergovernmental relations between Warsaw and Bonn. It is interesting that the policies of compromise and reconciliation were supported not only by the political class but also by the general public. This factor strongly contributed to the stability of the political and economic transition towards democracy and a market economy in Poland.


1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Walter J. Stone

Many students of the United States Congress have contended that the institution is too closely tied to the interests of members' local constituencies. While the responsiveness this charge implies may seem laudable, the localism said to exist, especially in the House, weakens national agents of representation such as the political parties. Institutional features like seniority and the norm of reciprocity are often criticized for the premium they place upon members' success in their local constituencies, and the narrow, particularistic policy which results. Those who prefer a legislature responsive to national interests lament the disproportionate influence of constituencies with well-placed representatives on the committees and subcommittees in the House, and the fragmented, ‘distributive’ character of the legislative process.


2016 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 109-123
Author(s):  
Adam Starzyk

Migration crisis and the situation of the right-wing partiesin the Visegrad Group in 2015Migrations crisis, which was widely commented in the European media in the European media and public opinion in 2015, had some impact on the political parties in EU countries. This paper attempts to answer the question of how this problem affected right-wing parties in the V4. The author used the opinion polls from each country and tried to explain whether the crisis helped the right-wing parties to improve their position in national party systems.


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