Gender and the politics of the public sphere

Author(s):  
Ann Brooks

This chapter examines the relationship between gender and the politics of the public sphere. The bluestockings were instrumental in framing a set of literary and political discourses that opened the door for a range of political movements where women occupied leading positions, including the Bloomsbury Group and the suffrage movement. The chapter then distinguishes between two forms of public sphere. The first is the world of letters, where ‘privatized individuals in their capacity as human beings communicated through critical debate’. The second form is the political realm, where ‘private people in their capacity as owners of commodities communicated through rational-critical debate’. Despite the significance of women writers within the public sphere through elite groupings such as the bluestockings, their role was still limited. While the bluestockings were actively involved in literary and political debates, their distance from the political sphere highlights the gendered character of the 18th-century public sphere.

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-185 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gert Biesta ◽  
Patricia Hannam

AbstractIn this paper we explore the relationship between religious education and the public sphere, suggesting that religious education, if it takes its educational remit seriously, has to be orientated towards the public sphere where human beings exist together in and with the world. Rather than seeing religion as propositional belief, we argue for an existential approach that focuses on the question as to what it means to exist religiously. We offer educational and theological arguments for our position and, along both lines, seek to (re)connect religion and religious education to the idea of democracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Siavash Saffari

This article examines the relationship between religion and sociopolitical development in the context of the re-emergence of popular social movements in Muslim societies in the Middle East and North Africa. It makes a case that despite the decline of Islamism as a mode of social mobilization, religion maintains an active presence within the public sphere. Focusing on the religious-political discourses of Abdolkarim Soroush and neo-Shariatis, as the representatives of two distinct post-Islamist currents in post-revolutionary Iran, the article identifies some of the capacities and limitations of their particular conceptions of democratic public religiosity for contributing to the ongoing processes of change in Iran and other contemporary Muslim societies.


Hypatia ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 163-174
Author(s):  
Eduardo Mendieta

María Pía Lara's two books, La Democracia como proyecto de identidad ética and Moral Textures: Feminist Narratives in the Public Sphere are described and analyzed. Her contribution to a feminist left-Habermasian theory of the relationship between the aesthetic dimension and the political imaginary are discussed. Questions and concerns, however, are raised regarding the assumptions of universal pragmatics and Lara's attempt to offer a positive reading of the dependence of the political imaginary on literary acts and genres.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Valuev ◽  

The article covers the issue of consistency of manifesto texts with a political system underpinned by publicness principles. The ever-increasing production of manifestos witnesses a crisis in the political system which necessitates the investigation of how such texts influence both their readers and public sphere as a whole. The public sphere concept by J. Habermas, perception of policies by J. Ranciere, and dialogue-based approaches of M. Buber and A. Pyatigorsky constitute the basis for analysing structural elements of a manifesto text, and highlighting their core traits shedding light on the relationship between a manifesto text and the public sphere. Through highlighting the three main elements of a manifesto text, i.e. ‘speaking I’, ‘Object’, and ‘Other’, and by clarifying the configuration of interrelations between the elements, the militant message of a manifesto is asserted as the opposite to the dialogue-based foundation of the public sphere. Such texts postulate the necessity both to eliminate the ‘Other’ and to immediately achieve a set objective by way of taking on an active participative position. The latter to be implemented via the ‘speaking I’ replication mechanism, which is expressed through a call for readers to take on the image of the person speaking through the manifesto. Thus, the manifesto becomes both a tool for getting rid of an existing system incapable of satisfying the needs of an actor, and a tool for leveling political space. Manifesto texts demonstrate the monological basis expressed in the postulation of the necessity for action to uncompromisingly transform the world.


Author(s):  
Mariana Barroso de Almeida Pimentel ◽  
Mariana Miggiolaro Chaguri

This research project has as purpose to investigate the political-ideological imbrication of the relationship between the public and private in the educational sphere, based on the performance of the Unibanco Institute and the Itaú Social Foundation in the public policies for High School in Brazil. Based on the documentary analysis of the diagnoses and prescriptions produced by the same regarding the educational problem, supported on the bibliographical production available about the entanglement between the private sector and the public sphere, this research seeks to relate and understand the latest changes occurred in such politics.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 313-332
Author(s):  
Dodi Faedlulloh ◽  
Noverman Duadji

The relationship between bureaucracy and politics is important to discuss again after Indonesia experienced the heated atmosphere of the 2019 elections. The political situation that created polarization had shaken the neutrality of the public servants (ASN). There is an ASN who openly declares political preferences while simultaneously spreading hoaxes in the public sphere. This is because of factors other than the political temperature, also the post-truth phenomenon which also attacked Indonesia. This study was conducted to revisit the discourse on the importance of bureaucratic neutrality to maintain performance in public services and care for democracy. The writer used the desk study method by collecting data and information based on examining and analyzing secondary data. The results emphasized the importance of re-maintaining neutrality for ASN. The alternative step to maintain the ASN neutrality is collaborative supervision conducted by various elements of government and society. In addition, this study offers the importance of ASN being given critical, scientific and literacy education to stem hoaxes in a bureaucratic environment. The ASN can also actively take part in building an anti-hoax community in the bureaucratic environment so that the ASN continues to know of responding to the hoax phenomenon. Keywords: Bureaucracy, Hoax, Neutrality, Elections, Post-Truth Abstrak Relasi antara birokrasi dan politik kembali penting didiskusikan pasca Indonesia mengalami suasana pemilu 2019 yang panas. Situasi politik yang menciptakan polarisasi sempat mengguncang netralitas aparatur sipil negara (ASN). Ada oknum ASN yang secara terbuka mendeklarasikan preferensi politik sekaligus turut menyebarkan hoax di ruang publik. Hal ini disebabkan selain faktor suhu politik yang panas, juga fenomena post-truth yang turut menyerang Indonesia. Studi ini dilakukan untuk menengahkan kembali diskursus tentang pentingnya netralitas birokrasi untuk menjaga kinerja dalam pelayanan publik serta yang juga penting adalah merawat demokrasi. Dalam proses penulisan artikel ini, penulis menggunakan metode desk study, yaitu dengan mengumpulkan data dan informasi berbasiskan pada pemeriksaaan dan analisis data dan informasi yang menggunakan data sekunder yang aktual. Hasil dari studi ini menekankan tentang pentingnya kembali menjaga netralitas bagi ASN. Adapun alternatif langkah yang bisa dilakukan agar netralitas ASN tetap terjaga, yakni dengan pengawasan kolaboratif yang dilakukan pelbagai elemen dari pemerintah dan masyarakat. Selain itu, studi ini menawarkan pentingnya para ASN dibekali dan membekali diri pendidikan kritis dan ilmiah serta pendidikan literasi untuk membendung hoax di lingkungan birokrasi. Para ASN juga bisa berperan aktif dalam membangun komunitas anti-hoax di lingkungan birokrasi agar para ASN terus aware dalam merespon fenomena hoax. Kata Kunci: Birokrasi, Hoax, Netralitas, Pemilu, Post-Truth


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 83-103
Author(s):  
Mai Mogib Mosad

This paper maps the basic opposition groups that influenced the Egyptian political system in the last years of Hosni Mubarak’s rule. It approaches the nature of the relationship between the system and the opposition through use of the concept of “semi-opposition.” An examination and evaluation of the opposition groups shows the extent to which the regime—in order to appear that it was opening the public sphere to the opposition—had channels of communication with the Muslim Brotherhood. The paper also shows the system’s relations with other groups, such as “Kifaya” and “April 6”; it then explains the reasons behind the success of the Muslim Brotherhood at seizing power after the ousting of President Mubarak.


2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rudolf Maresch

Durch den digitalen Medienwandel ist der Begriff der Öffentlichkeit problematisch geworden. Die Debatte fokussiert sich zumeist auf die Frage, ob die sogenannte bürgerliche Öffentlichkeit durch das Internet im Niedergang begriffen ist oder eine Intensivierung und Pluralisierung erfährt. Rudolf Maresch zeichnet die berühmte Untersuchung der Kategorie durch Jürgen Habermas nach und zieht den von ihm konstatierten Strukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit in Zweifel. Dagegen verweist er auf die gouvernementalen und medialen Prozesse, die jede Form von Kommunikation immer schon gesteuert haben. Öffentlichkeit sei daher ein Epiphänomen nicht allein des Zeitungswesens, sondern der bereits vorgängig ergangenen postalischen Herstellung einer allgemeinen Adressierbarkeit von Subjekten. Heute sei Öffentlichkeit innerhalb der auf Novitäts- und Erregungskriterien abstellenden Massenmedien ein mit anderen Angeboten konkurrierendes Konzept. Mercedes Bunz konstatiert ebenfalls eine Ausweitung und Pluralisierung von Öffentlichkeit durch den digitalen Medienwandel, sieht aber die entscheidenden Fragen in der Konzeption und Verteilung von Evaluationswissen und Evaluationsmacht. Nicht mehr die sogenannten Menschen, sondern Algorithmen entscheiden über die Verbreitung und Bewertung von Nachrichten. Diese sind in der Öffentlichkeit – die sie allererst erzeugen – weitgehend verborgen. Einig sind sich die Autoren darin, dass es zu einer Pluralisierung von Öffentlichkeiten gekommen ist, während der Öffentlichkeitsbegriff von Habermas auf eine singuläre Öffentlichkeit abstellt. </br></br>Due to the transformation of digital media, the notion of “publicity” has become problematic. In most cases, the debate is focused on the question whether the internet causes a decline of so-called civic publicity or rather intensifies and pluralizes it. Rudolf Maresch outlines Jürgen Habermas's famous study of this category and challenges his claim concerning its “structural transformation,” referring to the governmental and medial processes which have always already controlled every form of communication. Publicity, he claims, is an epiphenomenon not only of print media, but of a general addressability of subjects, that has been produced previously by postal services. Today, he concludes, publicity is a concept that competes with other offers of mass media, which are all based on criteria of novelty and excitement. Mercedes Bunz also notes the expansion and pluralization of the public sphere due to the change of digital media, but sees the crucial issues in the design and distribution of knowledge and power by evaluation. So-called human beings no longer decide on the dissemination and evaluation of information, but algorithms, which are for the most part concealed from the public sphere that they produce in the first place. Both authors agree that a pluralization of public sphere(s) has taken place, while Habermas's notion of publicity refers to a single public sphere.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-211
Author(s):  
Lee Michael-Berger

The story of The Cenci’s first production is intriguing, since the play, based on the true story of a sixteenth-century Roman family and revolving around the theme of parricide, was published in 1819 but was denied a licence for many years. The Shelley Society finally presented it in 1886, although it was vetoed by the Lord Chamberlain, and to avoid censorship it had to be proclaimed as a private event. This article examines the political and social context of the production, especially the reception of actress’s Alma Murray’s rendition of Beatrice, the parricide, thus probing the ways in which The Cenci question was reframed, and placed in the public sphere, despite censorship. The staging of the play became the site of a political debate and the performance – an act of defiance against institutionalised power, but also an act of defiance against the alleged tyranny of mass culture.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-65
Author(s):  
Mary Varghese ◽  
Kamila Ghazali

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the existing body of knowledge about the relationship between political discourse and national identity. 1Malaysia, introduced in 2009 by Malaysia’s then newly appointed 6th Prime Minister Najib Razak, was greeted with expectation and concern by various segments of the Malaysian population. For some, it signalled a new inclusiveness that was to change the discourse on belonging. For others, it raised concerns about changes to the status quo of ethnic issues. Given the varying responses of society to the concept of 1Malaysia, an examination of different texts through the critical paradigm of CDA provide useful insights into how the public sphere has attempted to construct this notion. Therefore, this paper critically examines the Prime Minister’s early speeches as well as relevant chapters of the socioeconomic agenda, the 10th Malaysia Plan, to identify the referential and predicational strategies employed in characterising 1Malaysia. The findings suggest a notion of unity that appears to address varying issues.


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