EU Externalization Policies and their Impact on Migrants in Morocco

Author(s):  
Inka Stock

This chapter lays out the context of research in Morocco and the general situation of migrants in the country. In the beginning, it provides a general overview about the characteristics of Morocco’s migrant population. It explores the different types of migrants which Morocco is hosting, as well as their socio-economic and legal statuses. Furthermore, the chapter gives a short overview of new and old migration policies and their connections with EU migration policy and development cooperation. After that, important state-and non-state actors involved in migration management in Morocco are introduced. The chapter focuses on the structural conditions which regulate migration – both on national and international level- and how these are “framed” in policy talk. By doing this, the chapter uncovers the contradictions between the theoretical justifications for non-state and state actors’ decisions and activities in migration management in Morocco and those pursued by migrants themselves.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 ◽  
pp. 1-11
Author(s):  
Yi Zhu ◽  
Xin Chen ◽  
Chuntao Li

In this paper a new error function designed on 3-dimensional special Euclidean group SE(3) is proposed for the guidance of a UAV (Unmanned Aerial Vehicle). In the beginning, a detailed 6-DOF (Degree of Freedom) aircraft model is formulated including 12 nonlinear differential equations. Secondly the definitions of the adjoint representations are presented to establish the relationships of the Lie groups SO(3) and SE(3) and their Lie algebras so(3) and se(3). After that the general situation of the differential equations with matrices belonging to SO(3) and SE(3) is presented. According to these equations the features of the error function on SO(3) are discussed. Then an error function on SE(3) is devised which creates a new way of error functions constructing. In the simulation a trajectory tracking example is given with a target trajectory being a curve of elliptic cylinder helix. The result shows that a better tracking performance is obtained with the new devised error function.


Author(s):  
Évelyne Barbin

There exist many historical works on the new pedagogical movements in the beginning of the 20th century, at the level of one country and at the international level also. Our purpose is to focus on teaching of geometry with comparing situations in four countries: United Kingdom, France, Germany and United States. We show that, behind the agreements, there are deep differences in relation with questions posed by geometrical teaching. We use two kinds of materials, discussions and textbooks, and we specially examine the questions on parallels definitions and their introduction in teaching. Keywords: laboratory method, concrete geometry, experimental geometry, intuitive geometry, practical geometry, rational geometry, Émile Borel, Carlo Bourlet, John Dewey, George Halsted, Julius Henrici, Adelia Hornbrook, Jules Houël, Charles Méray, Eliakim Moore, John Perry, Peter Treutlein.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Flynn

Global migration challenges are reinforcing long-standing trends that involve shifting immigration control measures beyond national borders and incorporating new actors into detention systems. Proposals to shape migration management policies — including discussions on developing a Global Compact for Migration — recognize the need to involve a range of actors to implement humane and effective strategies. However, when observed through the lens of immigration detention, some policy trends raise challenging questions, particularly those that lead to increasing roles for non-state actors in migration control. This article critically assesses a range of new actors who have become involved in the deprivation of liberty of migrants and asylum seekers, describes the various forces that appear to be driving their engagement, and makes a series of recommendations concerning the role of non-state actors and detention in global efforts to manage international migration. These recommendations include: • ending the use the detention in international migration management schemes; • limiting the involvement of private companies in immigration control measures; • insisting that the International Organization for Migration (IOM) actively endorse the centrality of human rights in the Global Compact for Migration and amend its constitution so that it makes a clear commitment to international human rights standards; and • encouraging nongovernmental organizations to carefully assess the services they provide when operating in detention situations to ensure that their work contributes to harm reduction.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 751-764
Author(s):  
Юлия Глатте

This article examines the role of experts in the field of migration policy in an authoritarian environment and their collaboration with the state in times of crisis. While much of the literature on migration policy-making in Russia focuses on patron-client relationships between state and business, little is known about the collaboration of state actors and experts. Therefore, this paper provides an overview of the main migration experts and shows the conditions under which they are involved in migration policy. Despite various forms of collaboration, expert policy networks are strictly controlled by Russia’s authoritarian state. Measures of control include the sanctioning of foreign financing, a weak culture of dialogue, non-transparent political decisions, the absence of institutionalized political competition and an extremely personalized system of interaction that places experts in a relationship of dependence, thus preventing substantial criticism of political decisions and forcing loyalty. Since 2016, the conditions under which experts are involved in migration policy have become even more limited. It is argued that the reasons for the change are linked to a threefold loss of trust in the expertise of non-state actors, in particular, international organizations. This loss of trust can be explained firstly by a collision of the long-term logic of expert advice with the short-term crisis management of the state; secondly by a dynamic that followed from the institutional restructuring of the Federal Migration Service that dissolved long-standing personal relationships between experts and officials; and thirdly by a general loss of trust in Western policy solutions and liberal norms in the management of migration (crises).


Author(s):  
Ömer Aslan

Available scholarship on civil–military relations literature treats the occurrence of military coups d’état either as a purely domestic affair or a simple outcome of international dynamics. That is, a large body of literature assumes that a military coup d’état takes place on either a domestic or international level. When taken as an exclusively domestic affair, reasons for military coups d’état run the gamut from domestic instability and political corruption, state weakness, economic collapse, and the institutional culture of a military and its desire to protect its corporate interests, to political culture and popular support. Yet, a parallel body of work either reduces coup plotters to the status of proxies of powerful global state actors or assumes that wars, crises, external threats, foreign military training, or peacekeeping missions shape the military decision to seize power. Both perspectives deservedly take the military as the focal point of coups, yet presume either that that military is easily able to dictate a particular course of action to all the remaining domestic actors or is unidirectionally influenced by international actors. A coup d’état, however, must take into account different constituencies within and outside the military for it to take place. At the domestic level various actors, from opposition politicians, media corporations, and labor unions to business associations and “military opinion” itself, need to be taken into account. At the international level, coup plotters may either directly engage in negotiations, bargaining, and dialogue with or try to interpret signals delivered by external state actors. Coup plotters may use military-to-military relations developed by military officer exchanges and joint work in common security and defense organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Given that they are rational actors, coup-makers know well enough to look for ‘propitious circumstances’ at home and abroad (regional and international) as well as predict resonance between the domestic and international environment. Although military elites are better positioned to use their international network to engage in dialogue and bargaining at the international level, mid-ranking officers also take into consideration the outside dimension. When several domestic pressure groups such as business organizations or ordinary people deem a coup not in their interest or not to be a preferred action at a particular point in time, and show their displeasure by sustained street action, a permissive international environment may not suffice to produce a coup. It is in the context of this brittle coup coalition and in this intimate and fragile appeal to domestic and international audiences that a coup attempt takes place.


Water Policy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (6) ◽  
pp. 972-990
Author(s):  
Hanifeh Rigi ◽  
Jeroen F. Warner

Abstract This synthesis paper explores the reasons hindering water cooperation between India and Pakistan on the Indus River Basin. It argues that both domestic and international-level elements narrow the size of the ‘win-sets’ which make water cooperation between the two states highly challenging. Not only state actors but also the domestic actors in both India and Pakistan have repeatedly played ‘water games’. Further, due to long-standing geopolitical and territorial conflicts between India and Pakistan, the strategies pursued so far by these states including ‘securitization’, ‘issue-linkage’ and ‘alliance strategies’ as leverage mechanisms, have also contributed to the lack of cooperation in their water realm.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barış Can Sever

In this research, the theoretical and conceptual debates on the local integration of refugees and the role of non-state actors in the integration are brought together. Their investigation take place in the nexus of migration management, the implementation of the states and non-state actors on the field. Particularly, the local integra-tion is examined through the Syrians’ stay in Mersin/Turkey. In the methodology part of this research, semi-structured interviews were applied to 20 non-state actors in Mersin (Summer 2017) in order to have an idea about the role that they have played in the local integration of Syrian refugees. In this way, while the profiles of selected non-state actors in the field were revealed, their participation and contribution to the integration pro-cess were interpreted.


Author(s):  
Carles Carreras i Verdaguer ◽  
Sergi Martínez-Rigol ◽  
Alejandro Morcuende González

The article tries a general overview of the contemporary changes in the global economy. First proposes a characterization of the present period of history, advancing some of his main explanatory elements. Next, summarizes the great economic, social, political and cultural changes, discussed on the long way of more than twenty years of research at an international level. Third, it remarks some concrete changes at an urban scale. Finally, suggests the possibilities of some differential urbanization processes, on the way of the planetary urbanization.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Geiger

Unwanted migratory flows from Albania serve as a justification for external interventions aimed at regulating migration ‘from within’. Over the last years the exertions of a number of international organizations have led to a situation of deadlock. Overriding vested interests seem to block a national ownership: Albanian government is not yet empowered to assume full control over its migration policy. While remaining in anxiety for new emigration waves, the international stakeholders share a general mistrust in local institutions to regulate migration in an effective manner.


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