The Empirical and Political Context of Anti‑Austerity Activism

Author(s):  
Emma Craddock

This chapter provides an overview of the political context, with a focus on austerity and how this forms part of the wider neoliberal project. The chapter establishes the ways in which austerity is gendered, classed and racialised, themes that will be drawn on throughout the book when exploring resistance to austerity. It moves from setting this wider context to an in-depth description of the specific anti-austerity activist culture that is explored in this book. This involves identifying the key movements and groups in the local context, as well as key features of these movements, such as their positioning as a ‘new’ form of politics that is outside the system and the centrality of social media to political organising in this context.

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (02) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Fabianus Fensi

<p>ABSTRACT<br />Communication and language are two phenomena from one reality. Language is a means of expressing ways of communicating, and it reciprocally presupposes with communication. Where there is communication, language presence is demanded. Hence the language exists as a medium of communication. This study analyses the language battles of “Cebong-Kampret” on Facebook groups. Two aspects are investigated in this research: logic and ethics. The logic requires the use of language by rules. Language can be understood within the framework of rationality. Ethics requires language that creating peace rather than encouraging hatred. How is the language contested in the battle of “Cebong Kampret” on Facebook? Facebook is a web-based media technology that has its characteristics, such as easily accessed and reach a wider audience. Everyone can be a creator of meaning. The communication process is synchronous and encourages the user’s instant response. This characteristic carries risks. Facebook, in the political context of “Cebong-Kampret,” is paradoxical. People’s political preferences are influenced by Facebook even though the language ignores the logical-ethical language rules. The fight of language in politics is justified as far as upholding the logic and ethics. Logic language teaches the principles based on standards. Misuse of language logic makes language lose its ethical value in practice. Language ethics teaches the principles of good language, which can create peace.</p><p>Keywords: Language; Logic and Ethicsl; Social Media; Paradox, Politics</p><p>ABSTRAK<br />Komunikasi dan bahasa adalah dua fenomena dari satu kenyataan. Komunikasi menyertakan bahasa. Bahasa sebagai alat mengekspresikan berbagai cara berkomunikasi. Bahasa dan komunikasi saling mengandaikan. Dimana terdapat kegiatan berkomunikasi bahasa dituntut kehadirannya. Bahasa hadir sebagai media ekspresi aktivitas komunikasi. Kajian ini menganalisis pertarungan bahasa kelompok “Cebong” dan “Kampret” di facebook. Dua aspek dianalisis, yaitu logika dan etika berbahasa. Logika berbahasa mensyaratkan penggunaan bahasa menurut kaidah sehingga bisa dimengerti dalam kerangka rasionalitas. Etika mensyaratkan penggunaan bahasa yang menciptakan perdamaian bukan mendorong kebencian. Apa yang terjadi dengan bahasa yang dipertarungkan “Cebong” dan “Kampret” di facebook? Facebook adalah media berbasis teknologi web. Dia memiliki karakteristik sendiri, seperti: Dapat diakses dengan mudah. Menjangkau khalayak lebih luas. Setiap orang bisa menjadi pencipta makna. Proses komunikasi berlangsung sinkronik. Mendorong respon instan penggunanya. Karakteristik ini mengandung risiko. Penggunaan facebook, dalam konteks politik “Cebong” dan “Kampret” bersifat paradoks. Preferensi pilihan politik masyarakat dipengaruhi facebook padahal bahasa yang digunakan mengabaikan aturan berbahasa secara logis-etis. Pertarungan bahasa dalam politik dibenarkan sejauh menjunjung tinggi logika dan etika berbahasa. Logika berbahasa mengajarkan prinsip berbahasa berdasarkan aturan. Penyalahgunaan logika berbahasa membuat bahasa kehilangan nilai etis dalam praktiknya. Etika berbahasa mengajar prinsip pemakaian bahasa yang baik. Bahasa yang baik menciptakan perdamaian.</p><p>Kata Kunci; Bahasa; Logika dan Etika, Media Sosial, Paradoks, Politik.</p>


Author(s):  
Margot Buchanan

This chapter examines the independence referendum debate on Facebook and Twitter before and after polling day, noting the multi-modal nature of communication on social media through the use of visual forms such as photographs and video clips. It analyzes the Yes for Scotland and Better Together Facebook and Twitter accounts and notes the participative nature of social media in the political context, reaching many who may not normally be receptive to political discussion. The chapter discusses specific web and social media presences such as the highly visible Wings over Scotland, and notes demographic tendencies among social media users, also considering the fashion in which they respond to each other online critically about traditional media political coverage. The discussion additionally looks at how social media use encourages continued campaigning beyond the phase of electoral results.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 94-105
Author(s):  
Ruslan Seitkazin

Politicians are now learning that along with advertising on conventional media, they need to invest in online applications in order to get the attention of voters, particularly the youths. Among various microblogging services, Twitter is an essential part of popular culture. Today, Twitter is widely utilised not only to distribute information, but also political views and opinions.Therefore, politicians have turned to social media, particularly to Twitter, as a new form of political communication. The article attempts to capture the ways of using the potential of Twitter in communication strategies. It argues that in some occasions, Twitter plays a specific role in allowing politicians to monitor current political affairs and to interact with people, but in others, it is often employed as a personal branding strategy and not only during the election campaigns. It concludes with an insight that sentiment may impact the political opinion-making process which may lead to electoral intervention.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-274
Author(s):  
Francis KG Lim ◽  
Bee Bee Sng

This article examines how Chinese Christians utilize social media to forge online communities and how religion is integrated into believers’ daily lives using the concept of intercontextuality. The intercontextuality of online communication enables Chinese Christian users to communicate about their daily routines and Christian values on a regular basis, thus allowing them to align their Christian concerns with wider social issues. At the same time, Christian users of social media are cognizant and wary of the highly restrictive political context of China. They often maintain a boundary between the ‘religious’ and the ‘political’, thus avoiding attracting the unwanted attention of the authorities. The article concludes with some reflections on the political implication of the study’s findings.


Author(s):  
Thomas Swann

Chapter Seven presents a schematic account of the functions a social media platform would need to have in order to fulfil the roles required of it by anarchist cybernetics. Drawing on the negative critiques of existing social media platforms and the positive requirements outlined by activists and scholars, this chapter asks what an alternative social media platform would look like and how it would be different from the commercial platforms we use everyday. The chapter identifies four broad lines of critique aimed at the use of social media in anarchist cybernetic organising: (1) the privacy critique (2) the political economy critique; (3) the weak ties critique; and (4) the political subjectivity critique. The chapter provides a sketch of what such an alternative platform would look like, identifying the key features that aid the functionality of such a platform for self-organisation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-336
Author(s):  
Ridho Agung Juwantara ◽  
Rezki Putri Nur Aini ◽  
Dwi Noviatul Zahra

This article aims to examine a book of Nadirsyah Hosen, an Indonesian diaspora in Australia, entitled Tafsir Al-Qur'an di Medsos. Hosen’s interpretation of the Quran is interesting because it is directly related to the actual political context in Indonesia. This study uses a descriptive analysis approach, making the book Tafsir Al-Qur'an di Medsos as the primary source and a number of other books, journals and credible news portals as the secondary sources. By taking five examples of Hosen’s interpretation, namely religious freedom, non-Muslim leadership, the terminology of kâfir, the KPU (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) verse, and the caliphate issue, this study finds that Hosen’s interpretation is a form of resistance to the dynamics and phenomena of contemporary Muslim diversity, especially in the Indonesian context. He interpreted the Quran in respose to the politicization of the scripture through social media platforms, especially in relation to the political situation in Indonesia. He attempts to advocate the relience on credible literature when doing tafsîr and that theverses of the Quran must be understood in a proper context. For example, in addressing the labelling of kâfir and kâfir leadership issue, he suggests that one cannot use it as an excuse to not choosing leaders from non-Muslims because Allah does not forbid Muslims to do good to non-Muslims according to al-Mumtaḥanah [60]: 8. He also identifies inaccuracy of accociating al-Nisâ’ [4]: 108 with the KPU, because the occasion of the revelation of the verse indicates the Quranic defense of an innocent Jew who trapped in a conspiracy from a Muslim.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document