scholarly journals TAFSIR AL-QUR’AN DI MEDSOS: Nadirsyah Hosen’s Resistance to the Politicization of the Quran in Indonesian Social Media

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 312-336
Author(s):  
Ridho Agung Juwantara ◽  
Rezki Putri Nur Aini ◽  
Dwi Noviatul Zahra

This article aims to examine a book of Nadirsyah Hosen, an Indonesian diaspora in Australia, entitled Tafsir Al-Qur'an di Medsos. Hosen’s interpretation of the Quran is interesting because it is directly related to the actual political context in Indonesia. This study uses a descriptive analysis approach, making the book Tafsir Al-Qur'an di Medsos as the primary source and a number of other books, journals and credible news portals as the secondary sources. By taking five examples of Hosen’s interpretation, namely religious freedom, non-Muslim leadership, the terminology of kâfir, the KPU (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) verse, and the caliphate issue, this study finds that Hosen’s interpretation is a form of resistance to the dynamics and phenomena of contemporary Muslim diversity, especially in the Indonesian context. He interpreted the Quran in respose to the politicization of the scripture through social media platforms, especially in relation to the political situation in Indonesia. He attempts to advocate the relience on credible literature when doing tafsîr and that theverses of the Quran must be understood in a proper context. For example, in addressing the labelling of kâfir and kâfir leadership issue, he suggests that one cannot use it as an excuse to not choosing leaders from non-Muslims because Allah does not forbid Muslims to do good to non-Muslims according to al-Mumtaḥanah [60]: 8. He also identifies inaccuracy of accociating al-Nisâ’ [4]: 108 with the KPU, because the occasion of the revelation of the verse indicates the Quranic defense of an innocent Jew who trapped in a conspiracy from a Muslim.

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 67-75
Author(s):  
Muhammad Abdullahi Maigari ◽  
Uthman Abdullahi Abdul-Qadir

This paper examines the abduction of the schoolgirls in Chibok Local Government Area of Borno State, Nigeria in 2014. The paper examined how the abduction of the schoolgirls generated responses and support for the rescue of the abducted girls from people and organization from different parts of the globe. The Islamists terrorist organization operating in Borno State has attracted the attention of the world since 2009 when they started attacking government establishments and security installations northeast which later escalated to major cities in Northern Nigeria. Methodologically, the paper utilized secondary sources of data to analyze the phenomenon studied. The paper revealed that the development and innovations in information and communication technology which dismantled traditional and colonial boundaries enabled people to express support, solidarity and assist victims of conflict who resides millions of Kilometers away. This shows that Internet-based communications technology has reduced the distance of time and space that characterised traditional mass media. The campaign for the release of the schoolgirls on the social media platforms particularly Twitter and Facebook has tremendously contributed to the release of some of them. Furthermore, the girls freed from abduction have received proper attention: education and reintegration programmes which enable them to start post-abduction life. In this regard, social media has become a tool for supporting the government in moments of security challenges which the Bring Back Our Girls campaign attracted foreign and domestic assistance to Nigeria in the search of the abducted girls and the fight against the Islamist insurgents.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (02) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Fabianus Fensi

<p>ABSTRACT<br />Communication and language are two phenomena from one reality. Language is a means of expressing ways of communicating, and it reciprocally presupposes with communication. Where there is communication, language presence is demanded. Hence the language exists as a medium of communication. This study analyses the language battles of “Cebong-Kampret” on Facebook groups. Two aspects are investigated in this research: logic and ethics. The logic requires the use of language by rules. Language can be understood within the framework of rationality. Ethics requires language that creating peace rather than encouraging hatred. How is the language contested in the battle of “Cebong Kampret” on Facebook? Facebook is a web-based media technology that has its characteristics, such as easily accessed and reach a wider audience. Everyone can be a creator of meaning. The communication process is synchronous and encourages the user’s instant response. This characteristic carries risks. Facebook, in the political context of “Cebong-Kampret,” is paradoxical. People’s political preferences are influenced by Facebook even though the language ignores the logical-ethical language rules. The fight of language in politics is justified as far as upholding the logic and ethics. Logic language teaches the principles based on standards. Misuse of language logic makes language lose its ethical value in practice. Language ethics teaches the principles of good language, which can create peace.</p><p>Keywords: Language; Logic and Ethicsl; Social Media; Paradox, Politics</p><p>ABSTRAK<br />Komunikasi dan bahasa adalah dua fenomena dari satu kenyataan. Komunikasi menyertakan bahasa. Bahasa sebagai alat mengekspresikan berbagai cara berkomunikasi. Bahasa dan komunikasi saling mengandaikan. Dimana terdapat kegiatan berkomunikasi bahasa dituntut kehadirannya. Bahasa hadir sebagai media ekspresi aktivitas komunikasi. Kajian ini menganalisis pertarungan bahasa kelompok “Cebong” dan “Kampret” di facebook. Dua aspek dianalisis, yaitu logika dan etika berbahasa. Logika berbahasa mensyaratkan penggunaan bahasa menurut kaidah sehingga bisa dimengerti dalam kerangka rasionalitas. Etika mensyaratkan penggunaan bahasa yang menciptakan perdamaian bukan mendorong kebencian. Apa yang terjadi dengan bahasa yang dipertarungkan “Cebong” dan “Kampret” di facebook? Facebook adalah media berbasis teknologi web. Dia memiliki karakteristik sendiri, seperti: Dapat diakses dengan mudah. Menjangkau khalayak lebih luas. Setiap orang bisa menjadi pencipta makna. Proses komunikasi berlangsung sinkronik. Mendorong respon instan penggunanya. Karakteristik ini mengandung risiko. Penggunaan facebook, dalam konteks politik “Cebong” dan “Kampret” bersifat paradoks. Preferensi pilihan politik masyarakat dipengaruhi facebook padahal bahasa yang digunakan mengabaikan aturan berbahasa secara logis-etis. Pertarungan bahasa dalam politik dibenarkan sejauh menjunjung tinggi logika dan etika berbahasa. Logika berbahasa mengajarkan prinsip berbahasa berdasarkan aturan. Penyalahgunaan logika berbahasa membuat bahasa kehilangan nilai etis dalam praktiknya. Etika berbahasa mengajar prinsip pemakaian bahasa yang baik. Bahasa yang baik menciptakan perdamaian.</p><p>Kata Kunci; Bahasa; Logika dan Etika, Media Sosial, Paradoks, Politik.</p>


Author(s):  
Margot Buchanan

This chapter examines the independence referendum debate on Facebook and Twitter before and after polling day, noting the multi-modal nature of communication on social media through the use of visual forms such as photographs and video clips. It analyzes the Yes for Scotland and Better Together Facebook and Twitter accounts and notes the participative nature of social media in the political context, reaching many who may not normally be receptive to political discussion. The chapter discusses specific web and social media presences such as the highly visible Wings over Scotland, and notes demographic tendencies among social media users, also considering the fashion in which they respond to each other online critically about traditional media political coverage. The discussion additionally looks at how social media use encourages continued campaigning beyond the phase of electoral results.


Author(s):  
Tüge T. Gülşen

This chapter explores the political potential of social media widely used as a means of communication by Turkish young people and examines how they perceive social media as alternative social environments, where they can manifest their political identities. In addition, the study conducted aims at understanding whether the political situation in Turkey before the “Resistanbul” events, beginning toward the end of May 2013, created fear among young people that could cause them to hesitate to express their political thoughts or feel the need to veil their political identities. The results of the survey reveals that Turkish young people, despite having a high sense of freedom, tend to be politically disengaged in social media, and they seem to be hesitant to reveal their political identities in this alternative democratic social space, but they do not mind “others” manifesting their political identities.


Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


2020 ◽  
pp. 772-786
Author(s):  
Collen Sabao ◽  
Tendai Owen Chikara

The chapter examines and discusses the role and communicative potential of social media based platforms in citizen political participation and protests in Zimbabwe specifically focusing on the #thisflag movement on Facebook, Twitter and Whatsapp. #thisflag is a social media-based platform that rose to challenge the Zimbabwean government over the political and economic decay as well as rampant corruption characterising the country contemporarily. While a new phenomenon to Zimbabwe and Zimbabwean politics, the impact and communicative potential of social media as an alternative public sphere was recently tested in nationwide protest stayaway organised through the Facebook and Twitter movement under the #thisflag handle/brand. This chapter discusses the manners in which such social media platforms impact national politics in Zimbabwe as well as globally, specifically looking at the #thisflag movement as a case study.


2020 ◽  
Vol 105 (8) ◽  
pp. 744-748 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura De Nardi ◽  
Andrea Trombetta ◽  
Sergio Ghirardo ◽  
Maria Rita Lucia Genovese ◽  
Egidio Barbi ◽  
...  

ObjectiveThis study aims to explore the attitude of adolescents with chronic diseases toward social media exposure, focusing in particular on Facebook.DesignCross-sectional study.SettingAn anonymous semistructured survey was distributed to an Italian hospital-based cohort of adolescents with chronic disease to explore the role of Facebook in their daily life.PatientsWe recruited 212 adolescents (aged between 13 and 24 years) with a diagnosis of inflammatory bowel disease, coeliac disease, diabetes mellitus type 1 and cystic fibrosis.ResultsTwo hundred and seven of the 212 (97.6%) expressed the need of sharing their illness experience with friends, 201 out of 212 (94.8%) usually searched information on the internet to find new therapies and to discover their prognosis. One hundred and forty-nine out of 212 adolescents (70.3%) perceived dependence on their parents as the most negative aspect of having a chronic disease, and 200 out of 212 (94.3%) were looking for friends with the same disease on Facebook. Two hundred and ten out of 212 (99.1%) did not want their doctors or nurse on their social media platforms. During the active disease periods, the time spent with social media increased from an average of 5 to 11 hours.ConclusionsThis descriptive analysis focused on the Facebook impact on chronic disease perception among affected adolescents. It showed that they used to spend an increased amount of time on this platform during disease flare-up and highlighted their wish of keeping doctors and nurses away from their social dimension.


Author(s):  
Diana Sari

The rise of Sufism shows a new existence in Indonesia. Sufism is not only understood as Sufi teachings and traditional institutions (tarekat). A new passion in Sufism in Indonesia has been seen in cities and among the middle classes. Howell’s research shows the rise of Sufism promoted in two ways (1) ‘Ulamas who come from traditional Islamic education and taught their followers in formal education classes and (2) Television preachers who create their programs and regulate and dramatize it in for the television viewers. New nuances by grounding Sufistic values are also carried out by the KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar who connects his spiritual experience with the world of Sufism, including preaching messages that refer to the teachings of Sufism. This research is a qualitative-field research. The primary source in this study is the da’wah message of KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar. Secondary sources refer to religious studies written in Abdullah Gymnastiar’s social media, book literature, journals/articles, or previous studies. This study uses descriptive analysis to read the da’wah message KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar in his lectures and studies. If placed in the development of the history of Sufism, seen from the character of its religious assembly, Aa Gym is included in the category of contemporary Sufism. However, when viewed from the contents of the principal teachings of moral values, related to the material of da’wah, the message expresed by Aa Gym is the teachings of moral science (ilmu Akhlaq). Broadly speaking, the message of da’wah is not classified as Sufism but religious spirituality which is moral because it contains moral teachings as a reform of morality that synergizes the values of physical and spiritual potential.[The rise of Sufism shows a new existence in Indonesia. Sufism is not only understood as Sufi teachings and traditional institutions (tarekat). A new passion in Sufism in Indonesia has been seen in cities and among the middle classes. Howell’s research shows the rise of Sufism promoted in two ways (1) ‘Ulamas who come from traditional Islamic education and taught their followers in formal education classes and (2) Television preachers who create their programs and regulate and dramatize it in for the television viewers. New nuances by grounding Sufistic values are also carried out by the KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar who connects his spiritual experience with the world of Sufism, including preaching messages that refer to the teachings of Sufism. This research is a qualitative-field research. The primary source in this study is the da’wah message of KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar. Secondary sources refer to religious studies written in Abdullah Gymnastiar’s social media, book literature, journals/articles, or previous studies. This study uses descriptive analysis to read the da’wah message KH. Abdullah Gymnastiar in his lectures and studies. If placed in the development of the history of Sufism, seen from the character of its religious assembly, Aa Gym is included in the category of contemporary Sufism. However, when viewed from the contents of the principal teachings of moral values, related to the material of da’wah, the message expresed by Aa Gym is the teachings of moral science (ilmu Akhlaq). Broadly speaking, the message of da’wah is not classified as Sufism but religious spirituality which is moral because it contains moral teachings as a reform of morality that synergizes the values of physical and spiritual potential.]


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-275
Author(s):  
Ng Chong Guan ◽  

During this COVID-19 pandemic, massive unverified information has flooded the social media platforms, causing heightened levels of anxiety and depressive symptoms among public. This study aimed to investigate the relationship between the COVID-19 related knowledge, attitude, and practice (KAP) and its psychological impact, such as anxiety and depressive symptoms in Malaysia population. A crosssectional online survey was conducted from 8th to 22nd April 2020, involving 227 respondents. The set of questionnaire included sociodemographic characteristics, the KAP questionnaire – 11 items on knowledge (K1-K11), 3 items on attitude (A1- A3), 4 items on practice (P1-P4), together with Patient Health Questionnaire (PHQ-9) and Generalised Anxiety Disorder (GAD-7) Scale. To evaluate the data, descriptive analysis, Chi-square test and item response theory analysis were implemented. The percentage of respondents who answered the true statements items from Knowledge component (K1-K3) correctly was almost 100%. However, that of items testing on COVID-19 myths (K4-K11) ranged from 38.8% to 95.2%. The only item from Attitude component which had less than 95% being answered correctly was A1 (78.9%), regarding face masks usage. From the Practice component, over 80% of respondents identified that they used social media to obtain updates on COVID-19 all the time. This is alarming as most of the information circulating on social media have not been verified by relevant authorities, which might lead to, and continuously reinforce anxiety-inducing myths. This study showed that lower overall KAP scores, particularly for Knowledge component items, are related to higher anxiety levels and more depressive symptoms.


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