Steven Pierce. Farmers and the State in Colonial Kano: Land Tenure and the Legal Imagination. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005. xii + 272 pages. Figures. Notes. Bibliography. Index. $55.00. Cloth.

2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 111-113
Author(s):  
Ismail H. Abdalla
2021 ◽  
pp. 147309522110373
Author(s):  
Hayden Shelby

This article theorizes the potential roles of the state in the urban commons through an analysis of a slum upgrading program in Thailand that employs collective forms of land tenure. In examining the transformation of the program from a grassroots movement to a “best practice” policy, the article demonstrates how the state has expanded from mere enabler of the commons to active promoter. In the process, the role of many residents has evolved from actively creating the institutions of collective governance— commoning—to adopting institutions prescribed by the state— being commoned. However, by comparing the work to two different groups of communities who work within the context of the policy, the article illustrates how active commoning can still take place in such contexts.


Obiter ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 175-185
Author(s):  
George Barrie

The facts in this case, which fell to be decided by the Supreme Court of Namibia in November 2018, can be succinctly put: in 1985, Ms Kashela’s late father was allocated a piece of land as part of communal land by the Mafwe Traditional Authority (MTA) in the Caprivi region of the then-South West Africa (now Namibia). In 1985, the Caprivi region fell under the then-South West Africa Administration. Following the independence of Namibia on 21 March 1990, all communal lands became property of the state of Namibia by virtue of section 124 of the Constitution of Namibia Act 1 of 1990, read with Schedule 5 of the Constitution. Paragraph (3) of Schedule 5 of the Constitution states that the afore-mentioned communal lands became property of the state “subject to any existing right, charge, obligation or trust existing on or over such property”.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Bobby Anderson ◽  
Patamawadee Jongruck

Opium poppy cultivation in Thailand fell from 12,112 hectares in 1961 to 281 ha in 2015. One outlier exists: Chiang Mai province’s remote southwestern district, Omkoi. 90% of the district is a national forest reserve where human habitation is illegal. However, an ethnic Karen population has lived there since long before the law that outlawed them was created, unconnected to the state by road, with limited or no access to health, education and other services: they cultivate the majority of Thailand’s known opium poppy, because they have little other choice. They increasingly rely on cash-based markets, their lack of citizenship precludes them from land tenure which might incentivize them to grow alternate crops, and their statelessness precludes them from services and protections. Nor is the Thai state the singular Leviathan that states are often assumed to be; it is a collection of networks with divergent interests, of whom one of the most powerful, the Royal Forestry Department, has purposely made Omkoi’s population illegible to the state, and has consistently blocked the attempts of other state actors to complexify this state space beyond the simplicity of its forest. These factors make short-term, high-yield, high value, imperishable opium the most logical economic choice for poor Karen farmers residing in this “non-state” space.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-300 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lilis MULYANI

AbstractDue to the pressures of urbanization, the urban poor often find themselves trapped in illegal settlements and informal employment. As housing is not affordable and formal employment is inaccessible to them because of their lack of education and skills, they live a precarious existence with insecure land tenure and employment. Discriminated against by the state on the grounds of their illegal status, the urban poor are unable to establish their identity and personhood rights as urban citizens, and so cannot access basic rights such as health care and social security. This article is based on fieldwork in Surakarta in Indonesia which studied the impact of a land-titling programme in an area previously characterized by informal tenure. It finds that the legitimation provided by land titles had a significant impact upon the lives of the residents, enabling them to access other personhood rights.


Forests ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 284 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tran Cuong ◽  
Tran Thi Quy Chinh ◽  
Yaoqi Zhang ◽  
Yi Xie

Forest plantations have expanded rapidly in response to financial support from the state and local governments and have had significant positive impacts on rural livelihoods and development in Vietnam, since the late 1980s. This study used net present value (NPV) and internal rate of return (IRR) to examine the economic performance of plantations for three species, Acacia mangium Willd, Eucalyptus (Eucalyptus urophylla S.T. Blake × Eucalyptus camaldulensis Dehn), and Manglietia conifera Dandy, in Bac Kan province. On the basis of an annual discount rate of 6%, the results showed that rural households earned positive financial returns from forest plantations with seven-year rotations. Eucalyptus generated the highest NPV but A. mangium generated the greatest IRR. The plantations were facilitated by financial support from the state, land tenure reforms, and wood exports. The results provide valuable business information and policy implications for both local farmers and policy makers. Since the farmers consider more of the short term and economic return of the plantations, the results provide valuable information for policy makers to apply subsidies and other support to promote plantations with significant ecological and environmental benefits for sustainable development of rural economies.


2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jay. Spaulding ◽  
Lidwien. Kapteijns
Keyword(s):  

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansoureh Ettehadieh Nezam-Mafi

The history and development of land tenure in Iran have been affected by many factors, including climatic conditions, scarcity of water, lack of security, widespread tribalism, and legal and administrative confusion. In addition to limitations in resources, political instability in the premodern period molded systems of land tenure in Iran. Changes of dynasty were frequent and usually followed by the confiscation and redistribution of land. The Qajar dynasty (1788–1925), which came to power after a long period of anarchy and civil war, continued that general pattern. There were three classes of land ownership in Iran in this period: waqfs (religious endowments), arbābī (land owned by large landlords), and khāliṣah (state-owned lands). This last category was composed of lands confiscated by the government as punishment for rebellion or failure to pay taxes. As land was often the only form of wealth landlords had, the threat of government confiscation was an instrument of control as well as a source of revenue for the state. The khāliṣah were usually rented out on long-term leases or were granted as ṭuyul, that is in lieu of services rendered or salaries deferred. The khāliṣah were also in some instances farmed directly by the government. These lands were cultivated by peasants under conditions similar to those of the arbābī lands. They were scattered throughout the country and were also subject to various local and regional variations in agricultural taxes.


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