Towards Sustainable Urbanism in the Persian Gulf: Analysis of the Past

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 171-186
Author(s):  
Nader Ardalan
2007 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve A. Yetiv ◽  
Chunlong Lu

China has significantly enhanced its position and interest in the Persian Gulf region over the past 25 years, making it an important newcomer in regional dynamics. Evidence clearly shows that it has expanded, in some cases dramatically, its diplomatic contacts, economic ties, and arms sales to regional states. This represents a novel development which is likely to accelerate in the future as China's dependence on Persian Gulf oil grows. China's rising position in the region has put Beijing and Washington at odds and could generate serious friction points in the future. Policy recommendations are sketched to avoid such an outcome.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (21) ◽  
pp. 2474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaafar Jotheri ◽  
Michelle de Gruchy ◽  
Rola Almaliki ◽  
Malath Feadha

This study presents the results of the first remote sensing survey of hollow ways in Southern Mesopotamia between Baghdad and the Persian Gulf, primarily using the imagery in Google Earth. For archaeologists, hollow ways are important trace fossils of past human movement that inform about how people travelled in the past and what considerations were important to them as they moved through the landscape. In this study, remotely sensed hollow ways were ground-truthed and dated by association with both palaeochannels and known archaeological sites. Contextual and morphological evidence of the hollow ways indicate that they are likely the archaeological manifestation of ethnographically attested “water channels” formed through the dense reeds of marshlands in southern Iraq, not formed by traction overland like other known hollow ways. The map itself documents the first known hollow ways preserved underwater and one of the best-preserved landscapes of past human movement in the Near East.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Ansar Amini ◽  
Mehdi Akbarsefat

Development of information technology and internet today has given the concept of diplomacy a meaning broader than the past. Modern diplomacy is a mixture which has gained a specific position among academic topics. It is worth noting that the modern diplomacy was resulted from the world's changes after the World War II, where governments could no longer be the only players in the international system. The concept of modern diplomacy makes sense in relatively different ways; general diplomacy, real-time diplomacy,Nich diplomacy, etc. But our main focus in the paper is placed on the Jazeera's role in Middle East's evolutions over the recent decades. As a grand manifestation of modern diplomacy in the Middle East during the past decades, Al Jazeera is sometimes considered to be Qatar's foreign policy benchmarks (index), as it has had an effective role in events related to the country's diplomacy from the time it was established. We assume Qatar's political bargaining power in the international system, especially in the Persian Gulf region, as having enhanced over the recent years. In the present paper, therefore, the authors are about to address questions as to how Qatar's modern diplomacy has made it an active country in the Persian Gulf and in the Middle East region as well, and to what extent Al Jazeera's role is deemed to be serious in the recent changes happened in the Middle east. The present research's assumption emphasizes the role of establishment of Al Jazeera Media Channel as a diplomacy-enabling tool after changes were made in Qatar's government structure, a role which obviously affects the Middle East's recent evolutions (Movements and revolutions in Arabian Countries). Analytic-descriptive approach has been used in the present paper.


Zootaxa ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4527 (3) ◽  
pp. 425
Author(s):  
SOROOR PEYGHAN ◽  
BABAK DOUSTSHENAS ◽  
MOHAMMAD BAGHER NABAVI ◽  
MOHAMMAD TAGHI ROUNAGH ◽  
AMIR ASHTARI LARKI ◽  
...  

During a faunistic survey on two shipwrecks in the northern Persian Gulf, several species of ophiuroid were collected in 2015 and 2016. Ophiactis modesta is reported for the first time in the Persian Gulf and Ophiothela venusta is re-described, because it has likely been misidentified in the past, possibly confused with Ophiopsammium semperi. Both species were epizoic: Ophiothela venusta was found on octocorals, Ophiactis modesta on sponges. Ophiothela venusta is characterized by often bright and striking colour patterns with banded arms and large irregular patches on the disc, varying between combinations of yellow, red, blue, orange, black and grey. Its dorsal disc and arms are covered by rugose granules that vary in size and density. In comparison, O. semperi has a denser cover of smaller granules and a subdued uniform colouration. Ophiactis modesta is a hexamerous, fissiparous species that may be mistaken for Ophiactis savignyi. It can be distinguished by its large round to oval oral papilla and its smaller radial shields. 


Antiquity ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 37 (146) ◽  
pp. 111-115 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. N. Kramer

The land known by the name of Dilmun (or Telmun) in the cuneiform documents has been identified by most scholars with the island of Bahrein in the Persian T Gulf (note 1), and for the past nine years a large and competent Danish expedition has been excavating on the island in the hope of uncovering there the origin of the Sumerians and their civilization (note 2). Several scholars have located Dilmun in Iran, south of Elam, and have taken it to be a land bordering on the eastern shore of the Persian Gulf, whose hinterland included the province of Persis (note 3). This was the localization of Dilmun which seemed most likely to me when preparing the article 'Dilmun and the Land of the Living' some two decades ago (note 4). In recent years, however, new inscriptional material has become available which indicates that whatever its western boundary, Dilmun extended much farther to the east and included much, if not all, of that part of Iran, Pakistan, and India on which flourished the Indus or Harappan civilization (note 5). The following pages will sketch the pertinent cuneiform evidence for this identification of Dilmun in the chronological order in which it came to my attention over the years.


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (12) ◽  
pp. 6-11
Author(s):  
George W. Ball

For America in the fall of 1979 the strategic center of the world is the Persian Gulf, and I shall discuss the effect of Middle Eastern developments on the security of that area. Certainly, nothing that has occurred within the past few months is reassuring. Iran is ruled by a regime—one can hardly call it a government—that practices an indigenous form of fascism with a medieval Islamic overlay. Its basic outlook is xenophobic; it opposes Western concepts of progress and, therefore, the West itself—and particularly the United States.


Significance Over the past several weeks, Tehran has gradually shifted from a position of ‘strategic patience’ to escalatory action in an attempt to pressure Washington to back off and elicit greater support from other powers. This was signalled by Khamenei’s appointment in late April of General Hossein Salami, a stridently anti-Western figure, as the new head of the Islamic Revolution Guard Corps (IRGC). Impacts After the downing of its unmanned aerial vehicle, the United States will likely review overflight procedures and rules of engagement. Iranian shows of force through naval exercises in the Persian Gulf are possible in the near future. Iran may unveil new hardware including defensive systems or, more provocatively, test offensive missiles in coming weeks and months. In the event of unwanted direct confrontation between the Iranian and US armed forces, both sides would look quickly to de-escalate.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Bahadour Zarei ◽  
Sayed Mahmoud Alavi

Undoubtedly, oil is the most important and yet the most political commodity in today's world. The phenomenon of Rent or Rentier or collector government was taken into consideration by researchers and scholars in politics and sociology, especially with the emergence of oil as a cause of creation of Rentier governments. Rent can be considered as some revenue that is not like benefit and wage and is not the result of economic activities; it is being achieved without effort and Rentier government is a government that more than 42% of its revenue comes from external Rents. Hence, most countries in the Persian Gulf due to their geographical location, over the past few decades, have experienced single-based economies, based on producing and selling oil and this issue has resulted in formation of Rentier governments in the region. This article seeks to demonstrate the geographical factors influencing the formation of Rentier governments and the impact of these governments (oil-based economies) on the geopolitical situation of regional countries (their political- spatial order and their geo-economical situation, competition of powers, regional convergence) and at the end it has concluded that despite the fact that oil- based economy (or oil revenue) has led to the development of agriculture in the Persian Gulf, but on one hand, it has led to competition between powers and expansion of militarism in the Persian Gulf and on the other hand, as a very important factor it has prevented formation of regionalism in this region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-515
Author(s):  
Simon Mabon

Over the past decade, regional politics across the Persian Gulf - and within the GCC in particular - has increasingly been characterised by suspicion and mutual distrust. Predominantly appearing in the guise of tensions between the Arab side of the Gulf on the west and the Iranian side on the east - divisions which are exacerbated by ethnicity, religion, economics, geopolitics, demographics, and geography - are coupled with intra-Arab and intra-GCC tensions about the nature of regional order. Yet at times of crisis, as Michael Barnett (1998) astutely observed, opportunities emerge to reshape the nature of relations. In what follows I reflect on Barnett’s Constructivist take to explore the nature of Persian Gulf politics at a regional level. Other contributors to this special issue take a deeper dive into the intricacies of political, social, economic, governance and human rights concerns and, as such, I will largely steer clear of such observations. Instead, I will engage in a broader set of reflections about the nature of regional order and the impact of the pandemic on changing order.


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