The symbolic uses of platforms: The politics of platform governance in the United States

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-230
Author(s):  
Philip M. Napoli

Unlike many other countries around the world, the United States has taken relatively little substantive action in the realm of platform governance, despite the United States being directly impacted by occurrences such as Russian interference in the 2016 election, domestic disinformation related to the 2020 election, the Cambridge Analytica data breach scandal and the ‘infodemic’ of misinformation that has accompanied the Coronavirus pandemic. Yet the past four years have involved numerous Congressional hearings on various aspects of platform governance and a multitude of bills have been introduced addressing a similarly wide range of platform governance issues. With so many indicators of potential government action over the past half-decade, but so few actual policy interventions, platform governance appears to be a prime example of a policy-making context in which symbolic actions are taking precedence over substantive actions. This article illustrates this dynamic through an analysis of recent platform governance developments in the United States.

2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-124
Author(s):  
Philip L. Martin

Japan and the United States, the world’s largest economies for most of the past half century, have very different immigration policies. Japan is the G7 economy most closed to immigrants, while the United States is the large economy most open to immigrants. Both Japan and the United States are debating how immigrants are and can con-tribute to the competitiveness of their economies in the 21st centuries. The papers in this special issue review the employment of and impacts of immigrants in some of the key sectors of the Japanese and US economies, including agriculture, health care, science and engineering, and construction and manufacturing. For example, in Japanese agriculture migrant trainees are a fixed cost to farmers during the three years they are in Japan, while US farmers who hire mostly unauthorized migrants hire and lay off workers as needed, making labour a variable cost.


2021 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-59
Author(s):  
Pfiffner James P.

The peaceful transition of power from one set of rulers to another is the essence of democracy. The United States has enjoyed the consensus that elections are the means to change leadership of the country for more than two centuries. The 2020-2021 transition of the presidency marks an exception to that consensus. President Trump refused to accept the reality of his 2020 defeat at the polls, despite the fact that Joe Biden won more than 7 million more votes than Trump and won the electoral college by a vote of 306 to 232. Trump declared that he had won the election and that his opponent, Joseph Biden, had conspired to steal the election through fraudulent ballots. This paper will briefly characterize the development of presidential transitions over the past half century. It will then examine the extensive efforts of President Trump to overturn the 2020 election that culminated in the volent attack on the United State Capitol on January 6, 2021. Finally, it will show how Trump tried to thwart the incoming Biden administration. It will conclude that Trump’s actions in 2020 and 2021 presented a serious threat to the American polity.


Author(s):  
Satoshi Kanazawa ◽  
Norman P. Li

This chapter describes the savanna theory of happiness, which posits that it may not be only the consequences of a given situation in the current environment that affect individuals’ happiness but also what its consequences would have been in the ancestral environment. The theory further suggests that the effect of such ancestral consequences on happiness is stronger among less intelligent individuals than among more intelligent individuals. Consistent with the theory, being an ethnic minority, living in urban areas, and socializing with friends less frequently all reduce happiness, but the effects of these conditions are significantly stronger among less intelligent individuals than among more intelligent individuals. The theory can further explain why some individuals suffer from seasonal affective disorder (SAD) and why women’s level of happiness has steadily declined in the United States in the past half-century.


2012 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-254
Author(s):  
Susan Schroeder

Over the course of the past half century, the field of colonial Latin American history has been greatly enriched by the contributions of Father Stafford Poole. He has written 14 books and 84 articles and book chapters and has readily shared his knowledge at coundess symposia and other scholarly forums. Renowned as a historian, he was also a seminary administrator and professor of history in Missouri and California. Moreover, his background and formation are surely unique among priests in the United States and his story is certainly worth the telling.


1997 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubén G. Rumbaut

In at least one sense the “American century” is ending much as it had begun: the United States has again become a nation of immigrants, and it is again being transformed in the process. But the diversity of the “new immigration” to the United States over the past three decades differs in many respects from that of the last period of mass immigration in the first three decades of the century. The immigrants themselves differ greatly in their social class and national origins, and so does the American society, polity, and economy that receives them—raising questions about their modes of incorporation, and challenging conventional accounts of assimilation processes that were framed during that previous epoch. The dynamics and future course of their adaptation are open empirical questions—as well as major questions for public policy, since the outcome will shape the future contours of American society. Indeed, as the United States undergoes its most profound demographic transformation in a century; as inexorable processes of globalization, especially international migrations from Asia, Africa, and the Americas, diversify still further the polyethnic composition of its population; and as issues of immigration, race and ethnicity become the subject of heated public debate, the question of incorporation, and its serious study, becomes all the more exigent. The essays in this special issue of Sociological Perspectives tackle that subject from a variety of analytical vantages and innovative approaches, covering a wide range of groups in major areas of immigrant settlement. Several of the papers focus specifically on Los Angeles and New York City, where, remarkably, fully a quarter of the total U.S. immigrant population resides.


Author(s):  
Joseph A. Giacalone

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 0.5in 0pt;"><span style="font-size: 10pt;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;">For the past half century, the commercial potential of space has been a major rationale for the space program in the United States and elsewhere. This paper will provide an overview of space-related industries, which accounted for global revenues in the range of $106 billion by 2006, and the drivers that impact their development. It incorporates the evolution of space policy, recent economic data, and the emergence of the private spaceflight industry.</span></span></p>


1951 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-424
Author(s):  
Fanchón Royer

It is Probable that no country outside the borders of the United States has, during the past half century, been more widely and more inaccurately presented by our American writers, than the Republic of Mexico. An examination of this surfeit of material and the multiplicity of its authors’ approaches to their topic discovers our Catholic neighborland to have long proved both an irresistible lure and an enigma to the professional producers of run-of-the-mill travel volumes as well as to the more popular (i.e., lighter-weight) theorists on economics and sociology. Their enthusiastic, even florid rhetoric has been ceaselessly inspired by the color and drama of Mexico; but otherwise their persistent output rarely gives much evidence of a clear understanding of Mexican attitudes or ideals and so, of competence to fathom the true significance of this nation’s turbulent history. Since the past cannot be overlooked in any safe estimate of the future, this is a regrettable fact that could prove most detrimental to that much-desired inter-American accord which has already cost the American taxpayer some millions of dollars. There are two easily understood reasons for such lack of insight on the part of so many of our writers; this has already served to rouse the resentment and disrespect of the Mexican reader of the American press while also resulting in a sincere acceptance by Anglo-Americans of a decidedly strange mixture of misinformation and absurdly ill advised opinion for “the truth about Mexico.”


Author(s):  
Vicki L. Birchfield ◽  
Raisa Mulatinho Simões

Over the past several decades, social scientists from a wide range of disciplines have produced a rich body of scholarship addressing the growing phenomenon of income inequality across and within advanced capitalist democracies. As globalization intensifies some scholars are beginning to put income disparities in developed democracies into wider perspective, examining inequality in advanced economies within the framework of global income distribution. As an object of inquiry, income inequality must be distinguished from the presumably more value-neutral term, income distribution, which has been studied since the origins of classical economics. How one derives a judgment about whether or not a given society’s income distribution is characterized by inequality requires an evaluative metric of either a longitudinal or a cross-sectional nature. Generally speaking and to side-step explicitly normative questions—the relative degree of inequality may be empirically assessed by temporal or longitudinal comparisons for single country studies (e.g., income distribution in the United States is more unequal now than in the 1950s and 1960s) or, alternatively, through cross-national comparisons (e.g., income inequality is higher in Great Britain than in Sweden). It is important to note that the lack of authoritative, comparable cross-national data until relatively recently impeded progress of this latter category of research. As a result, systematic investigations of income inequality or patterns of income distribution tended to be the exclusive domain of economists or sociologists and mostly focused on the United States. Within the past decade, however, political scientists—especially comparative political economists—have mined new databases and generated an impressive body of literature that moves research beyond a narrow focus on single-country studies to rigorous cross-national and time-series analyses and into new theoretical directions engaging the classic, paradigmatic questions of “who gets what, when, and how” that have long exercised the minds of students of politics and political economists. Given the intrinsic multidisciplinarity of the subject of income inequality, this article includes research by economists and sociologists as well as political scientists. Most research on income inequality addresses one of the following areas of inquiry: (1) the causal forces driving increasing inequality in developed economies; (2) the socioeconomic effects and political consequences of income inequality; (3) the relationships between income inequality and macroeconomic conditions, such as economic growth, unemployment, and the degree of trade and internationalization of the domestic economy. The recent work by French economist Thomas Piketty, whose 2013 book (2014, English translation) sold 2. 5 million copies, warrants special comment given its comprehensive scope and influence in putting income inequality at the forefront of global debates. Lastly, a new and growing body of scholarship explores the relationship among the environment, climate change, and income inequality.


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