scholarly journals Young, free and biased: A comparison of mainstream and right-wing media coverage of the 201516 refugee crisis in German newspapers

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerret von Nordheim ◽  
Henrik Mller ◽  
Michael Scheppe

Right-wing media have been growing in terms of readership and impact in recent years. However, comparative analyses that gauge linkages between mainstream and right-wing media in Europe are virtually missing. We pursued an algorithm-based topic-modelling analysis of 11,420 articles concerning the question of whether reporting of the leading German right-wing newspaper Junge Freiheit differed from that of mainstream media outlets in the context of the refugee crisis of 201516. The results strongly support this notion. They show a clear-cut dichotomy with mainstream media on one side and Junge Freiheit on the other. A time lag could be found, pointing to a reporting pattern that positioned Junge Freiheit relative to the journalistic and political mainstream. Thus, Junge Freiheit can be characterised as a reactive alternative media outlet that is prone to populism: it stresses the national dimension of the crisis, embraces the positions of the right-wing party Alternative fr Deutschland (AfD) and largely neglects complex international, and particularly European, implications.

2020 ◽  
pp. 146470012092107
Author(s):  
Julia Schuster

Analysing feminist responses to the (mainstream) media coverage of the sexual assaults of New Year’s Eve 2015 in Cologne, this article shows how a theoretical concept that is used to frame feminist arguments can influence the strength of those arguments. German-speaking media extensively reported on the large number of sexual assaults against women that happened during that night in Cologne. The dominant narrative in those media reports dwells on the circumstance that the arrested suspects all had a refugee or migrant background, which assisted right-wing politics in re-creating a racist stereotype about male refugees and migrants being a threat to western women. Feminist responses to that media discourse insisted that rape culture was a cross-cultural phenomenon and that media as well as political analyses of the assaults need to take into account an understanding of intersectionality. Based on a content analysis of twenty-five feminist texts about the events of ‘Cologne’, I argue that the application of the concept of intersectionality created contradictions and argumentative voids within the – otherwise strong – feminist arguments because it conflated sexist and racist dynamics, which were both present in the context of ‘Cologne’ but not always intersecting. I further argue that these contradictions unintentionally aided the right-wing co-option of feminist demands concerning ‘Cologne’ and I suggest that the theoretical concept of femonationalism is better equipped to analyse events like ‘Cologne’.


1983 ◽  
Vol 29 (102) ◽  
pp. 227-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Hantz ◽  
Louis Lliboutry

AbstractTo clear up the changes which had happened at the subglacial catchment of glacier d’Argentière, an extensive study, with 31 borings and a coring down to the bottom (240 m) was performed in 1979/80, just upstream from the catchment, in an overdeepened area. The behaviour of the water level during boring with a hot water jet, and just after, was different from one bore hole to another, mainly because transient leaks appeared in the walls of bore holes. Next, the water level fluctuated slowly, in the same way in most of the deep bore holes, showing that glacier ice below about 100 m deep is slightly pervious. What is so measured is the pore pressure of water in deep ice. The piezometric gradient between bore holes, and the time lag between fluctuations of water level, which increases with distance from the right bank, shows that there is no waterway at the bottom of the overdeepened area, save at its up-stream end. Most of the melt water must flow between ice and rock along the right bank, its free surface rising by about 150 m during the increased discharge in June. No clear-cut correlation between the bottom pore pressure and the air temperature or the discharge at the subglacial catchment down-stream was found.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110287
Author(s):  
Bernhard Clemm von Hohenberg ◽  
Paul C. Bauer

A trusted media is crucial for a politically informed citizenry, yet media trust has become fragile in many Western countries. An underexplored aspect is the link between media (dis)trust and populism. The authors visualize media trust across news outlets and partisanship in Germany, for both mainstream and “alternative” news sources. For each source, average trust is grouped by partisanship and sorted from left to right, allowing within-source comparisons. The authors find an intriguing horseshoe pattern for mainstream media sources, for which voters of both populist left-wing and right-wing parties express lower levels of trust. The underlying distribution of individual responses reveals that voters of the right-wing populist party are especially likely to “not at all” trust the mainstream outlets that otherwise enjoy high levels of trust. The media trust gap between populist and centrist voters disappears for alternative sources, for which trust is generally low.


Author(s):  
Abdullah Omar Yassen, Et. al.

Purpose: Recent UNHCR figures show that a record 70.8 million refugees are forcibly displaced. Millions of refugees are trapped in protracted refugee situations, and have been so on average for 25 years; this compares with 17 years in 2003, and nine in 1991. The research addresses whether the existing international refugee law regime is capable of addressing this crisis, or whether the issue is that member states do not comply with the refugee regime Results: This research highlights the failure of European Union to respond to the refugee problems. The figures show that there are more refugees trapped in protracted situations than before and also that their plight takes longer to be resolved. Therefore, from the perspective of persons born in danger zones, one is more likely to be a refugee in 2019 than in 2014, yet less likely to find a durable solution. Methodology: The study adopted a doctrinal methodology by exploring legislation and directives to identify whether these laws can address refugee issues. Novelty/originality of this study: Forced migration has received negative media coverage and politicians, especially right-wing parties, have used migrants as a scapegoat. This paper identifies some of the myths of migration to demonstrate that, if given the opportunity, migrants can contribute positively to economic growth and integrate with local communities


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 458-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxim I. Sigachev ◽  
Ernest S. Sleptsov ◽  
Eduard V. Fadeev

The article reveals the relationship between the political crises that affected the European Union from 2015 to 2020, and the growing sympathy of voters for populist-Eurosceptic parties. Particular attention is paid to the political situation in Austria, where in 2017-2019. The government included right-wing populists, as well as the results of the European Parliament elections in May 2019, which testify to the strengthening of the position of a new populism, especially the right-wing one, represented by the Eurosceptics group Identity and Democracy. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state of the right-wing populist parties and to describe the current patterns of their development in terms of political prospects and the impact on the internal politics of the EU member states. The following research questions are formulated: 1. Has the influence of right-wing populist parties intensified or waned during the migration crisis? 2. Do right-wing populists constitute a coherent pan-European political force? 3. What is the specificity of Italian, Austrian and German right-wing populists?. To answer these questions, a quantitative (first of all, thematic literature and publications in the media) and quantitative analysis (dynamics of relevant statistical information was evaluated). As a result of the study, the authors come to the following conclusions: 1. The entry of the Austrian right-wing populists (APS) into a coalition with S. Kurtz in 2017-2019. - This is part of the regular fluctuations in the balance of power between the three political camps inside Austria, and not a sharp turnaround in established political models (right turn). 2. The German right-wing populists, on the contrary, despite local and really sudden successes (AdG), are in systemic isolation. 3. In Italy, right-wing populists have made significant progress, but the prospects for their unity with other European new right-wingers remain controversial. 4. With some caution, it can be stated that the period 2017-2019, was successful for right-wing populists. The recognition of the right-wing populist parties, their media coverage and presence in government has increased markedly. The perception of the importance of migration themes and cultural identity has increased in comparison with the first half of the 2010s. Moreover, in 2020. this trend is beginning to decline, the themes of culture and migration are gradually giving way to topics of safety, health and the environment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pooja Basnett

The research is on Coverage of Northeast India in the Indian Mainstream Media: A Study of the Perception of Northeast Indians Living in Bangalore. Northeast 'refers to the eastern most region of India consisting of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Tripura and Sikkim. By media the focus here is not just on the printed press but also on news channels. Mainstream media refers to national newspapers and news channels in either Hindi or English language that circulates or is available for viewing across the country. This study used a quantitative method and data was collected with the help of the research tool, questionnaire. The study was conducted in Bangalore in the year 2009 - 2010. Since this is a public perception of Northeast people residing in Bangalore on the coverage of Northeast India, it is subjective with respect to people's opinion.The motivation to conduct this research came from a viewable communication gap about the Northeast public in the mainstream or the national media. Irrespective of the varied socio-politico-economic dynamics of all northeastern states, this is one of the common problems faced by each of the northeastern states. The hypothesis for this paper was media is not successful in giving the right picture of Northeast India to the rest of the country thereby making people from the Northeast unsatisfied with the amount of media coverage or the kind of media coverage they receive.


1983 ◽  
Vol 29 (102) ◽  
pp. 227-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Didier Hantz ◽  
Louis Lliboutry

AbstractTo clear up the changes which had happened at the subglacial catchment of glacier d’Argentière, an extensive study, with 31 borings and a coring down to the bottom (240 m) was performed in 1979/80, just upstream from the catchment, in an overdeepened area. The behaviour of the water level during boring with a hot water jet, and just after, was different from one bore hole to another, mainly because transient leaks appeared in the walls of bore holes. Next, the water level fluctuated slowly, in the same way in most of the deep bore holes, showing that glacier ice below about 100 m deep is slightly pervious. What is so measured is the pore pressure of water in deep ice. The piezometric gradient between bore holes, and the time lag between fluctuations of water level, which increases with distance from the right bank, shows that there is no waterway at the bottom of the overdeepened area, save at its up-stream end. Most of the melt water must flow between ice and rock along the right bank, its free surface rising by about 150 m during the increased discharge in June. No clear-cut correlation between the bottom pore pressure and the air temperature or the discharge at the subglacial catchment down-stream was found.


2019 ◽  
pp. 8-38
Author(s):  
Arie W. Kruglanski ◽  
David Webber ◽  
Daniel Koehler

Chapter 2 provides an overview of German right-wing extremism. A history of German right-wing extremism is first discussed, tracing the formation of right-wing political parties and militant groups in this country in the post–World War II period. Critical periods and events are highlighted, including, among others, the reunification of East and West Germany and the current “refugee crisis.” The chapter describes important groups and organizations that operate or have operated within the right-wing milieu over the last decades. These groups include political parties, subcultural groups, and organizations that have committed terrorist attacks. These latter groups are discussed in terms of their formation, terrorist actions, and consequences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 367-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Downing

The post-Brexit, post-Trump climate in the EU has seen a series of challenges from the right wing of politics to the liberal consensus of recent years (e.g. the rise of Gert Wilders in the Netherlands and the increased support for Alternativ für Deutschland in the 2017 German election). This article examines the gendering and embodiment of the new far right in France and the UK. It offers a comparative focus on two recent political challengers from the right who are female: Marine Le Pen (born 1968), the leader of the Front national in France since 2011, and Anne Marie Waters (born 1977), the Islam-critical candidate who was runner-up for the UK Independence Party (UKIP) leadership in the UK in 2017, and who has since started her own political party, For Britain. The article focuses on media coverage of, and self-representation by, these two figures. It argues that the discourse of the ‘right’ and ‘left’ wings has, historically, been gendered on the basis of assumptions that women are naturally more inclined towards consensus-building, collectivity and compassion (and therefore left-wing politics), by dint of their biological function as child-bearers and traditional gender role as care-givers. Right-leaning women have been treated as anomalies, by both feminist political analysts and the mainstream media. Feminist concerns over the very existence of right-wing women is suggested by books such as second-wave feminist Andrea Dworkin’s Right-Wing Women (1983), the more recent edited collection by Paola Bacchetta and Margaret Power, also called Right-Wing Women (2013) and, in the French context, Claudie Lesselier and Fiametta Venner’s L’Extrême Droite et les femmes (1997). Le Pen and Waters appear as doubly aberrant, doubly exceptional figures – firstly as (far-)right-wing women and secondly as (far-)right-wing female leaders. The article considers the stakes of our categorical understandings of (gendered and political) identity more broadly. Specifically, by introducing the original critical concept of ‘identity category violation’, it analyses the ways in which the recent trend for identity politics on the left in the West, often under the banner of ‘intersectionality’, leads to over-simplified understandings of how categories of gendered, sexual, class and race-based identities are assumed to determine political affiliation.


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