scholarly journals PEMUDA NU DALAM PUSARAN WACANA ANTI KOMUNISME: Sebuah Pergolakan Ideologi

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 257
Author(s):  
Imamul Huda Al Siddiq ◽  
Ahmad Arif Widianto

The role of the NU youth as an extension of the NU kyai was so great in eradicating parties and forbidden ideologies such as the PKI. Based on the basic principles of NahdlatulUlama such as tawasuth, tawazun, i’tidal, and tasamuh, plus a platform for thinking and acting based on the principles of the ushulfiqh and guidance from kyai, NU youths steadfastly declared war with communism. Similarly, when they defend the rights of former Communist activists or those who are considered Communists and their families, they are also based on these principles. For this reason, this paper aims to examine the idealized upheaval of NU youth in addressing the anti-communism discourse.This article was written by critically examining pre-existing scientific texts to expose ideological upheaval among NU youth sociologically. In simple terms, through this article it can be concluded that NU youth based on existing principles have a big contribution in maintaining the integrity of the Republic of Indonesia, starting from the eradication of the PKI, as well as other efforts to defend Indonesia. On the other hand, they also have concern for oppressed groups including former 1965 political prisoners and their families. They were so diligent in fighting for the rights of former political prisoners in 1965 even though in the past they had also suppressed the PKI to its roots. One of the discourses that arose relating to the anti-communism discourse was the discourse of reconciliation between the NU group and Communism. The discourse was responded to differently by NU youth. Some consider it a form of humanism, and there are those who see it as a bad idea, and some even consider it as an extreme step.Peran pemuda NU sebagai kepanjangan tangan dari para kyai NU begitu besar dalam pemberantasan partai dan ideologi terlarang seperti PKI. Dengan berpijak pada prinsip dasar Nahdlatul Ulama seperti tawasuth, tawazun, i’tidal, dan tasamuh, ditambah pijakan berpikir dan bertindak yang didasarkan pada prinsip-prinsip yang ada pada ushul fiqh serta petunjuk dari para kyai, pemuda NU dengan mantap menyatakan perang dengan komunisme. Begitu pula ketika mereka membela hak-hak dari mantan aktivis Komunis atau yang dianggap Komunis dan keluarganya, mereka pun juga berdasar pada prinsip-prinsip tersebut. Untuk itu tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji pergolakan idelogi di kalangan pemuda NU dalam menyikapi wacana anti-komunisme.Artikel ini ditulis dengan menelaah secara kritis teks-teks ilmiah yang telah ada sebelumnya untuk menelanjangi pergolakan ideologi di kalangan pemuda NU secara sosiologis. Secara sederhana, melalui artikel ini dapat disimpulkan bahwa pemuda NU dengan berdasar prinsip yang ada memiliki andil besar dalam mempertahankan keutuhan NKRI, mulai dari pemberantasan PKI, serta upaya-upaya lain dalam mempertahankan Indonesia. Di sisi lain, mereka juga memiliki perhatian terhadap kelompok tertindas termasuk mantan tahanan politik 1965 dan keluarganya. Mereka begitu gigih memperjuangkan hak-hak mantan tahanan politik 1965 meski di masa lalu mereka pula yang memberangus PKI sampai ke akarnya. Salah satu wacana yang mengemuka berkaitan dengan wacana anti-komunisme adalah wacana rekonsiliasi antara golongan NU dan Komunisme. Wacana tersebut ditanggapi berbeda-beda oleh pemuda NU. Ada yang menganggapnya sebagai bentuk sifat humanis, adapula yang melihatnya sebagai gagasan buruk, bahkan ada yang memandang rekonsiliasi tersebut sebagai langkah ekstrim.

2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-57 ◽  
Author(s):  

AbstractServing to legitimate the power of a political regime, official history is usually radically questioned as the regime collapses. Such is the case in Indonesia since the fall of Suharto in May 1998. Yet, unlike many other countries which have experienced transitions from authoritarian or totalitarian rule to democracy, post-Suharto Indonesia is witnessing an ambivalent critique of the official history, especially regarding the "September 30, 1965 affair" (the killing of six top Army officers by a regiment of Presidential guards which brought about Suharto's rise to power). On one hand, there is a public query over who masterminded the killings; on the other hand, there are reactionary responses towards the claims of victimization among ex-political prisoners associated with the September 30,1965 movement, as they articulate their experiences of the past tragedy. This paper attempts to explore the current controversy surrounding the official history of the September 30, 1965 affair through discussions of the paradox of memory, and the relationship between memory and history.


1958 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul H. Nitze

In the context of government, what do we mean by the phrase “a learned man”?* I take it we can mean a variety of things. On the one hand, we can have in mind the specialist, the expert, the man with an intensive and specialized background in a particular field of knowledge. On the other hand, we can have in mind the man with general wisdom, with that feeling for the past and the future which enriches a sense for the present, and with that appreciation for wider loyalties which deepens patriotism to one's country and finds bonds between it and Western culture and links with the universal aspirations of mankind.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 207-223
Author(s):  
Stefano Brusoni ◽  
Daniella Laureiro-Martínez ◽  
Nicola Canessa ◽  
Maurizio Zollo

Abstract In this article we argue that in order to understand failure or success in adapting to environmental change, we should better understand why people hesitate to pursue novel choices. This article asks: what forces hinder individuals’ exploration choices of different alternatives, and hence their ability to learn from them? To answer this question, this article looks to the cognitive sciences to identify a set of plausible mechanisms that hinder people’s tendency to explore. So far, “exploration” has been studied as a relatively monolithic behavior. Instead, we propose that exploration can be characterized in terms of some distinctive forces behind it. On one hand, agents experience “attachment” to choices that proved successful in the past, and hence comfort when sticking with them. On the other hand, they also experience concerns about less familiar options, as they lack knowledge about “distant” choices that have not been tried for a long time, or ever. We propose that high attachment is related to anxiety, and high distance to fear. Both these negative affective states hinder exploration. We find and discuss preliminary and tentative evidence of this effect.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-148
Author(s):  
Ivan Milojević ◽  
Miloš Miljković

The tax administration, as one of the most important state bodies that participates in the process of collecting public revenues, among other functions it performs, also has the authority to adopt tax administrative acts which determine the amount of tax liability that tax-payers are obliged to pay. taxpayers, on the other hand, are constantly looking for a way to avoid paying the determined taxes or to reduce the tax liability as much as possible. In this process, the activities of both parties have an impact on the budget and the amount of tax revenue collected. The paper discusses the tax administration's rights and obligations, specifically those related to the adoption of tax administrative acts, with an emphasis on the second-instance tax procedure as it directly affects the amount of collected revenues. Furthermore, the paper describes the role of taxpayers in the process of adopting tax administrative acts, focusing primarily on the institute of appeal in this procedure. The available data are also presented supporting the conclusions of this article.


Author(s):  
Tinashe Carlton Chigwata

Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in 2013 which, among other objectives, sought to give greater legitimacy to multiparty democracy. This Constitution strengthens the role of an independent electoral commission, entrenches an array of political rights and freedoms, and requires multilevel government elections. The harmonized elections of 2013 and 2018, which were held under its regime, did not seem to have changed the previous patterns of disputed electoral processes and outcome. Both the electoral process and outcomes for these elections were disputed and subjected to court challenges. The main opposition, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), continue to cry foul that elections are stolen in favour of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union—Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) political party. On the other hand, ZANU-PF argues that it wins elections fairly and squarely as it has always done in the past because it is the most popular political party. This chapter addresses the question of whether the new Constitution has been able to end a culture of disputed elections and, therefore promote effective multiparty democracy. If not, what are the major obstacles and areas of contention? It will do so by examining the harmonized elections that have so far been held under its regime—the 2013 and 2018 harmonized elections.


Author(s):  
Vered Vinitzky-Seroussi ◽  
Chana Teeger

This chapter elaborates on prior work to outline the role of silence not only in forgetting but also in memory. It documents two forms of silence: overt silence and covert silence and discusses how each can be used to enhance either memory or forgetting. In its overt manifestations, silence is characterized by a complete absence of speech. Such silence can foster forgetting by obliterating any mention of particular events or people. Overt silences, however, can also foster memory by demarcating a sacred space for quiet contemplation. Covert silences, on the other hand, inhere in—and are often veiled by—much mnemonic talk. These silences are found in commemorative activities where agents of memory want to recollect the past while minimizing its potentially conflictual elements. They can also be used by agents of forgetting who wish to erase the past while presenting the appearance of commemorating it. The chapter concludes by discussing the various ways in which each of these forms of silence can be broken. In outlining these processes, it highlights the central role played by silence in both collective memory and forgetting.


Author(s):  
Alessio Porrino ◽  
Alessandro Volpi

This article aims at reflecting on the political significance of distinct conceptions of temporality and their symbolic representation in the work of Walter Benjamin. In particular, the “clock” and the “calendar” will be addressed as symbols of, respectively, a linear and homogeneous conception of time and of a cyclical, uneven – and potentially revolutionary – temporality. The conception of time symbolized by clocks is criticized by Benjamin as a bourgeois understanding of progress, which inhibits revolutionary tensions in society by shifting the political focus on future, on the inevitability of progress and growth; on the other hand, calendars’ and ancient cyclical festivals’ temporality constantly looks at the past, celebrating and re-actualizing the memory of previous revolutionary attempts. In the last section, the article will consider the role of symbols and allegories in Benjamin’s philosophical writing, casting new light on the previous discussion.


Harmoni ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
Ahsanul Khalikin

Diperoleh    infomasi    bahwa    beberapa    aktivis NU dan santri di Probolinggo, Jawa Timur   meninggalkan   paham   keagamaan   ahlusunnah wal jamaah kemudian menjadi penganut  paham  syiah  Imamiyah.  Padahal pondok pesantren yang berafiliasi NU merupakan   tempat   pengkaderan   untuk   menggodok  kader-kader  NU  yang  akan  mewarisi  kepemimpinan  NU  pada  masa  yang  akan  datang.  Paper  ini  diangkat  dari  hasil    penelitian    dengan    menggunakan    pendekatan   kualitatif,   yang   secara   data   dikumpulkan    melalui    wawancara    dan    observasi.  Di dalamnya  dipaparkan  cukup  besar   peran   organisasi   Aliansi   Nasional   Anti  Syiah  (Anas)  dalam  mengembalikan  aktivis  NU  dan  santri  yang  sempat  masuk  Syiah untuk kembali ke ajaran Ahlussunnah Waljamaah. Kata   kunci:  Gerakan   Syiah,   Hubungan   Antar   Komunitas,   Aliansi   Nasional   Anti   Syiah (ANAS)   Information  was  obtained  that  some  NU  (Nahdlatul  Ulama)  activists  and  students  in  Probolinggo,  East  Java  abandoned  the  religious   understanding   of   Ahlusunnah   wal  Jamaah  to  later  become  adherents  of  the  Imamiyah  Shi’ite  group.  Whereas  the boarding schools affiliated with NU is a cadre  for  boosting  NU  cadres  who  will  inherit  NU  leadership  in  the  future.  This  paper   is   based   on   qualitative   research findings, collected through interviews and  observations.  On  the  other  hand,  the  role  of  the  National  Anti-Shi’a  Alliance  (Anas)  was  presented  in  the  agreement  of  NU  activists  and  students  who  had  been  accepted in Shia to return to the teachings of Ahlussunnah Waljamaah. Keywords:  Shi’a  Movement,  Community  Relations,   Anti-Shi’a   National   Alliance   (ANAS)


2020 ◽  
pp. 163-200
Author(s):  
Chelsea Stieber

This chapter analyzes two concepts of “civilization”—the Western, dominant notion and its critique—at work and in tension between imperial Haiti and the republic-in-exile. Among exiled republicans, a refined, nonviolent notion of “civilization” and “culture” sought to cultivate and rehabilitate Haiti’s image in France. In imperial Haiti, on the other hand, Soulouque staked a challenge to the exclusionary, racialized notion of “civilization” itself through an active cultivation of popular religion and culture. A first section analyzes the role of visual and popular culture in Soulouque’s empire as part of the Dessalinean heritage of citation, iteration, and critique of the concept of Western civilization or “modernity.” Next, it consider the parallel—but opposite—effort among exiled republicans to allegorize and retell the story of the founding of the Haitian republic precisely according to the dominant norm of Western civilization, establishing Haiti’s parentage with the French Revolution and the liberal Enlightenment values of 1789. Ultimately, the chapter reveals that the form of the Haitian state and the heritage of 1804 were still highly contested well into the mid-nineteenth century.


2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Γεώργιος Γούλας

Η διατριβή ερευνά τις πολύπλευρες όψεις της ιστορίας στο καλλιμαχικό έργο, εξετάζοντας αφενός την ποιητική απεικόνιση της σύγχρονης πολιτικο-στρατιωτικής ιστορίας των ελληνιστικών βασιλείων και αφετέρου την ποιητική αξιοποίηση των ιστοριογραφικών κειμένων (γενεαλογίες, μυθογραφίες, εθνογραφίες, παραδοξογραφίες, τοπικές ιστορίες). Όλα αυτά τα ιστορικά ερεθίσματα ενεργοποιούν τα λόγια ανακλαστικά του ποιητή και αφήνουν ίχνη στα ποιήματα. Τα κύρια ερωτήματα που επιχειρείται να απαντηθούν είναι τα εξής δύο. Πρώτον, ο Καλλίμαχος είναι ένας αυλικός ποιητής που εξυμνεί τα «ιστορικά» κατορθώματα των Πτολεμαίων; Δεύτερον, ο λόγιος ποιητής βρίσκει στις ιστοριογραφικές πηγές ένα καινούργιο άλλοθι εγκυρότητας, αν όχι την αλήθεια, το οποίο παλαιότερα ο αρχαϊκός ποιητής αντλούσε από τις Μούσες; Η διατριβή εισάγει ως κύριο θεωρητικό εργαλείο ανάλυσης των προηγούμενων ερωτημάτων την έννοια της μεταϊστορίας, η οποία υποδιαιρείται σε μεθοδική και κριτική. Αφενός ο Καλλίμαχος στοχάζεται πάνω στην ιστορική μεθοδολογία, που θα πρέπει να τηρήσει για την έρευνα του παρελθόντος. Αφετέρου ο ίδιος υιοθετεί μία πιο κριτική προσέγγιση, όταν θα πρέπει ως αυλικός ποιητής να υμνήσει τους νικηφόρους πολέμους των Πτολεμαίων ή όταν θα πρέπει ως λόγιος ποιητής να ακολουθήσει τις συμβάσεις των ιστοριογραφικών έργων και να αποδεχθεί ως απόλυτες αυθεντίες τις ιστοριογραφικές αφηγήσεις. Αυτή η κριτική δεν παίρνει ποτέ τη μορφή της ευθείας σύγκρουσης και ρήξης αλλά γίνεται με συγκαλυμμένο και αμφίσημο τρόπο, ο οποίος περιγράφεται με τον όρο διττή αναγνωσιμότητα. Προτείνεται, λοιπόν, να ειδωθεί η χρήση της ιστορίας από τον Καλλίμαχο όχι αποκλειστικά ως επίδειξη γνώσεων ή ως μηχανή τεκμηρίωσης αλλά ως ένα πεδίο, όπου επαναπροσδιορίζεται ο ρόλος της ποίησης και κατοχυρώνεται η αυτονομία και η «σοφία» της ποιητικής τέχνης έναντι των άλλων πηγών και ειδών γνώσης. Δεν πρέπει να διαφεύγει της προσοχής ότι σκοπός του ποιητή είναι να γράψει ποίηση και όχι ιστορία, αντλώντας έμπνευση αλλά και κρατώντας αποστάσεις από τη χαώδη φύση των βιβλιακών πηγών. Η λόγια ποίηση αναγνωρίζει εγκαίρως την αντινομία και τους περιορισμούς που κρύβει η διάσωση και εξήγηση του παρελθόντος μέσα από τις καταγεγραμμένες πηγές. Μία τέτοια αντισυμβατική στάση από την πλευρά του λογίου ποιητή ασφαλώς δεν θα μπορούσε να τη φανταστεί η επίσημη πολιτιστική πατρωνεία των Πτολεμαίων. Για τους βασιλείς η πνευματική ακτινοβολία του Μουσείου και η μεγαλεπήβολη συγκέντρωση βιβλίων και γνώσεων στην αλεξανδρινή Βιβλιοθήκη ισοδυναμούσε με θεμελίωση πολιτικής δύναμης. Αυτές οι βλέψεις της εξουσίας, όμως, δεν ενδιέφεραν κατ’ ανάγκην την ποίηση, η οποία είχε τα δικά της οράματα. SUMMARYThe thesis explores the multifaceted aspects of the history in Callimachus’ work, considering, on the one hand, its poetic depiction of contemporary political - military history of the Hellenistic kingdoms and, on the other hand, the poetic use of historiographical texts (genealogies, mythographies, ethnographies, paradoxographies, local histories). All these historical stimuli activate the literary reflexes of the poet and leave traces on the poems. There are two main questions which the thesis attempts to answer. The first is whether Callimachus is a courtier poet who celebrates the "historic" achievements of the Ptolemies and the second, does the scholar poet find a new validity alibi, if not the truth, in the historiographical sources which primarily the archaic poet drew from the muses? The thesis introduces as the main theoretical tool for analysis of the previous questions the sense of meta – history which is subdivided into methodical and critical. On the one hand, Callimachus reflects on the historical methodology, which should be respected for the research of the past. On the other hand, he adopts a more critical approach, in cases when, as a courtier poet, he has to praise the victorious wars of Ptolemy or when, as a scholar poet, he has to follow the conventions of historiographical works and accept the historiographical narratives as absolute authorities. This criticism never takes the form of direct conflict and rupture but it is conducted in a disguised and ambiguous manner, which is described by the term dual readability. It is proposed, therefore, that the use of history by Callimachus has to be seen not exclusively as a demonstration of knowledge or a mechanism of documentation but as a field, in which the role of poetry is redefined and the autonomy and "wisdom" of the poetic art against other sources and kinds of knowledge is guaranteed. It should also be considered that the purpose of the poet is to write poetry and not history, drawing inspiration but also keeping his distance from the chaotic nature of bookish sources. The literary poetry recognizes the contradiction and the limitations which the preservation and interpretation of the past through


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