scholarly journals Na gruzach imperium. Ukraina po upadku cesarstwa rosyjskiego: od rewolucji lutowej 1917 do traktatu brzeskiego 1918

2018 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wiktor Hołubko ◽  
Adam Lityński

Revolution of 1917 in the Russian Empire took place in February (according to the Julian calendar) or in March (according to the Georgian calendar used in Western Europe). As a result, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia abdicated in the first phase of the revolution which caused the fall of the Romanov dynasty. Consequently, the Provisional Government was brought into power. At the time, the First World War was ongoing and Russia suffered severe defeats in the conflict. The country was ruled by chaos and various political groupswere fighting against each other. Furthermore, many nations started their fight for independence from the Russian Empire. The most significant events took place in Ukraine. The national activists set up their own governmental authority – Central Council of Ukraine. And, at the same time, various domestic conflicts took place in Ukraine as well. The situation was very complicated then as a 600 kilometer-long front line ran across Ukraine.Moreover, most of the country was occupied by German and Austria-Hungarian armies. It is common knowledge that the Bolsheviks led their forces against the Provisional Government in Petrograd, which was the contemporary capital of Russia (modern-day Saint Petersburg), in October / November 1917. The Bolsheviks seized power in Russia and, in consequence, the Russian Civil War started. The Bolsheviks were in no position to continue fighting in World War I and so they signed a separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary in March 1918 in order to focus on the Russian Civil War. Ukraine, which was independent at the time, also signeda separate peace treaty with Germany and Austria-Hungary. A new phase in the war between Russia and Ukraine started which Ukraine eventually lost.

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 375-387
Author(s):  
Volodymyr A. Kulikov

Introduction. The article explores the presence of French enterprises in the late Russian Empire in order to better understand the role and weight of French firms in global big business on the eve of World War I. The author argues that the presence of large industrial enterprises operated by French businesses should be taken into consideration when discussing the organizational capabilities of modern French enterprises. This may change the perception of France as a “follower in Western Europe” in the historiography of big industrial businesses. Materials and Methods. Large French enterprises operated in the late Russian Empire are identified based on primary sources (lists of enterprises and joint-stock companies), the RUSCORP database of Russian corporations compiled by Thomas Owen, and with the help of secondary sources. Results. The paper demonstrates that several companies operated in the Russian Empire, and owned or controlled by French businesses meet the criteria of “big business” by international standards. However, because they operated beyond the borders of France, scholars did not include these firms in the lists of French big business. In addition, many companies in the Russian Empire were established on French capital and run by French managers but registered as Russian firms. It seems that French businesses were more successful in establishing and running large industrial enterprises abroad than in the territory of their own country. This might explain why French companies are relatively poorly represented in the global ranks of the largest companies before World War I. Discussion and Conclusions. It was not only French businesses that created large industrial enterprises in Russia. There were also several British, German, Belgian, and American big businesses, so these should all be taken into account when discussing the presence of big foreign businesses in Russia. To have precise evaluations, we need to develop further the global list of the largest enterprises, which would include multinationals and free-standing companies as well. The argument of researchers who placed France to the cohort of the “followers in Western Europe” was that France, in principle, was retarded with creating large industrial enterprises. The transnational approach revealed that while in France, there were few big industrial businesses, French entrepreneurs developed them successfully outside the country. The Russian case demonstrates that French business was able to establish and operate large industrial enterprises. The presence of many large French manufacturing and mining enterprises abroad is the evidence against the thesis that French industrialists were unable to benefit from the scale and scope effect.


2017 ◽  
pp. 142-155
Author(s):  
I. Rozinskiy ◽  
N. Rozinskaya

The article examines the socio-economic causes of the outcome of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1936), which, as opposed to the Russian Civil War, resulted in the victory of the “Whites”. Choice of Spain as the object of comparison with Russia is justified not only by similarity of civil wars occurred in the two countries in the XX century, but also by a large number of common features in their history. Based on statistical data on the changes in economic well-being of different strata of Spanish population during several decades before the civil war, the authors formulate the hypothesis according to which the increase of real incomes of Spaniards engaged in agriculture is “responsible” for their conservative political sympathies. As a result, contrary to the situation in Russia, where the peasantry did not support the Whites, in Spain the peasants’ position predetermined the outcome of the confrontation resulting in the victory of the Spanish analogue of the Whites. According to the authors, the possibility of stable increase of Spanish peasants’ incomes was caused by the nation’s non-involvement in World War I and also by more limited, compared to Russia and some other countries, spending on creation of heavy (primarily military-related) industry in Spain.


2020 ◽  
pp. 461-471
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Ganin ◽  

The memoirs of general P. S. Makhrov are devoted to the events of 1939 and the campaign of the Red army in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Pyotr Semyonovich Makhrov was a General staff officer, participant of the Russian-Japanese war, World War I, and the Russian Civil war. In 1918, Makhrov lived in Ukraine, and in 1919-1920 he took part in the White movement in Southern Russia, after which he emigrated. In exile he lived in France, where he wrote his extensive memoirs. The events of September 1939 could not pass past his attention. At that time, the Red army committed approach in Western Ukraine and Western Belarus. Contrary to the widespread Anti-Sovietism among the white emigrants, Makhrov perceived the incident with enthusiasm as a return of Russia to its ancestral lands occupied by the Poles.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 196-205
Author(s):  
Vadim Mikhailov ◽  
Konstantin Losev

The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.


Author(s):  
А.В. Венков

Во время гражданской войны в России казаки, выступившие в большинстве против большевиков, казались представителям советской власти враждебной монолитной силой. Лишь небольшая часть казаков поддержала большевиков. Проводя против казаков репрессивную политику, представители власти в первую очередь старались показать, что карают белых казаков, которые убивали красных казаков. Случай, когда восставшие казаки казнили казаков, возглавлявших на Дону советское правительство, стал идеальным поводом для репрессий против казаков вообще. В статье рассматривается судебное дело, в котором уцелевшие после гражданской войны белые казаки преследуются именно по обвинению в убийстве лидеров красных казаков. Показано, как изменение политики власти по отношению к казачеству влияет на решение суда, как после изменения политики тех же людей и по тем же обвинениям не отпускают домой, а расстреливают. During the Russian Civil War the Cossacksstrongly acted against the Bolsheviks. Soviet government perceived them as a solid antagonistic force. Only a few Cossackssupported the Bolsheviks. The Bolshevik policy of systematic repressions against Cossacks of the Russian Empire was aimed at the White Cossacks who killed the Red ones. The case when rebel Cossacksexecuted those Cossacks supporting the Soviet Government, became the perfect trigger for launching repression against Cossacks in general. The article examines the court case in which the White Cossacks who survived the Civil War have been charged with the murder of Red Cossacks leaders. It is shown how politics affect the decisions of the court.


2020 ◽  
pp. 209-230

This chapter discusses the novel “The Quiet Don” and the controversy over its authorship. It briefly recounts some of the relevant events of World War I, the Russian Revolution of 1917, and the Russian Civil War. The chapter focuses on Soviet writer Mikhail Sholokhov who was awarded by the Nobel Committee in 1945 for the literature prize on his magnum opus, the four-volume The Quiet Don. It also looks into the initial claim that Sholokhov stole the book manuscript for The Quiet Don in a map case that belonged to a White Guard who had been killed in battle. It talks about an anonymous author known as Irina Medvedeva-Tomashevskaia, who wrote several historical studies and claimed that Sholokhov had plagiarized an unpublished manuscript of Fedor Dmitrievich Kriukov.


2021 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

Part I of the book—covering Europe’s continental empires—begins with Chapter 2 on the Russian Empire. The state’s overreliance on revenues from the imperial vodka monopoly is laid bare beginning with the temperance revolts of the 1850s, when the empire was almost bankrupted when peasants refused to drink. The understanding of temperance as opposition to imperial autocracy is traced through the antistatist teachings of Leo Tolstoy and early Bolsheviks, including the prohibitionists Vladimir Lenin and Leon Trotsky. Despite official opposition to “subversive” temperance activism, at the outbreak of World War I in 1914 Tsar Nicholas II made Russia the first prohibitionist state, though the loss of state revenue paved the way for the revolutions of 1917. Lenin maintained a prohibition against the vodka trade, which was only undone after Lenin’s death by Joseph Stalin, who reintroduced the tsarist-era vodka monopoly in the interests of state finance.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-81
Author(s):  
Stephen Fischer-Galati

The national minorities question in Romania has been one of crises and polemics. This is due, in part, to the fact that Greater Romania, established at the end of World War I, brought the Old Romanian Kingdom into a body politic (a kingdom itself relatively free of minority problems), with territories inhabited largely by national minorities. Thus, the population of Transylvania and the Banat, both of which had been constituent provinces of the defunct Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, included large numbers of Hungarians and Germans, while Bessarabia, a province of the Russian empire, included large numbers of Jews. While the Hungarian (Szeklers and Magyars), Germans (Saxons and Swabians), and Jewish minorities were the largest and most difficult to integrate into Greater Romania, other sizeable national minorities such as the Bulgarians, Russians, Ukrainians, Tatars, Serbians, Turks, and Gypsies also posed problems to the rulers of Greater Romania during the interwar period and, in some cases, even after World War II.


2017 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 169-201 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Zeynep Bulutgil

According to the extant literature, state leaders pursue mass ethnic violence against minority groups in wartime if they believe that those groups are collaborating with an enemy. Treating the wartime leadership of a combatant state as a coherent unit, however, is misleading. Even in war, leaders differ in the degree to which they prioritize goals such as maintaining or expanding the territory of the state, and on whether they believe that minority collaboration with the enemy influences their ability to achieve those goals. Also, how leaders react to wartime threats from minority groups depends largely on the role that political organizations based on non-ethnic cleavages play in society. Depending on those cleavages, wartime minority collaboration may result in limited deportations and killings, ethnic cleansing, or minimal violence. A comparison of the policies of three multinational empires toward ethnic minority collaborators during World War I—the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Italians, the Ottoman Empire and Armenians, and the Russian Empire and Muslims in the South Caucasus—illustrates this finding.


Author(s):  
Robert W. Cherny

World War I interrupted Arnautoff’s plans for art school. After cavalry officer school, he served with some distinction to the end of the war, when his unit was significantly affected by the Bolshevik seizure of power. After the army was dissolved, Arnautoff made his way to Simbirsk where he was recruited into a White army unit in the Russian Civil War, probably that of KOMUCH. He spent from July 1918 to November 1920 retreating from the Volga across Siberia to northeastern China.


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